SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD  WISCONSIN 

INFANTRY 

By  JULIAN  W1SNER  H1NKLEY 


WISCONSIN  HISTORY  COMMISSION 
ORIGINAL  PAPERS  No.  7 


EXCHANGE 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD  WISCONSIN 
INFANTRY 


JULIAN  WISXER  HINKLEY 
From  a  photograph  taken  in  July,  1864 


WISCONSIN  HISTORY  COMMISSION:     ORIGINAL  PAPERS,  No.   7 

A  NARRATIVE  OF  SERVICE 

WITH   THE  THIRD  WISCONSIN   INFANTRY 


BY  JULIAN  WISNER  HINKLEY 

CAPTAIN  or  COMPANY  E,  AND  SOMETIME  ACTING  MAJOR 
OF  SAID  REGIMENT 


WISCONSIN   HISTORY  COMMISSION 
SEPTEMBER,    1912 


,, 

r  1 


TWENTY-FIVE  HUNDRED  COPIES   PRINTED 


Copyright,  1912 

THE  WISCONSIN  HISTORY  COMMISSION 
(in  behalf  of  the  State  of  Wisconsin) 

Opinions  or  errors  of  fact  on  the  part  of  the  respective  authors  of  the  Commission's 
publications  (whether  Reprints  or  Original  Narratives)  have  not  been  modified  or 
corrected  by  the  Commission.  For  all  statements,  of  whatever  character,  the  Author 
alone  is  responsible 


DEMOCRAT  PRINTING  CO.,  STATE  PRINTER 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

WISCONSIN  HISTORY  COMMISSION         .          .      viii 
EDITOR'S  PREFACE  ix 

SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD  WISCONSIN  INFANTRY: 
Enlistment  and  training  ...          1 

Departure  for  the  front  ...          7 

Service  in  Maryland     ....          9 
On  the  trail  of  Stonewall  Jackson       .  .15 

The  tables  turned         .  .  .  .22 

At  Cedar  Mountain     .  .  .  .32 

The  Army  retreats  northward  .  .       38 

Moving  toward  the  enemy      .  .  .47 

Battle  of  South  Mountain      .  .  .49 

Battle  of  Antietam       .  .  .  .51 

In  winter  quarters         .  .  .  .63 

Chancellorsville  .  .  .  .66 

A  cavalry  expedition  .  .  .  .78 

Gettysburg 80 

On  draft  riot  duty         .  .  .  .92 

With  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland     .  .       97 

The  Third  veteranizes .  .  .  1 02 

Reorganizing  Lincoln  County  .  .106 

[v] 

25723G 


Opening  of  the  Atlanta  campaign  .  .116 

Wounded  and  in  hospital       .  .  .124 

The  siege  of  Atlanta    .            .  .  .129 

The  march  to  the  sea  .            .  .  .146 

In  front  of  Savannah    .            .  .  .153 

In  Savannah      .            .            .  .  1 63 

Marching  northward    .            .  .  .166 

Peace 173 

Homeward  1 76 


INDEX 183 


vi] 


ILLUSTRATION 

Portrait  of  the  Author  .  .  Frontispiece 


[Tii] 


WISCONSIN  HISTORY  COMMISSION 

(Organized  under  the  provisions  of  Chapter  298, 
Laws  of  1905,  as  amended  by  Chapter  378, 
Laws  of  1907,  Chapter  445,  Laws  of  1909, 
and  Chapter  628,  Laws  of  1 91 1 ) 

FRANCIS  E.  McGOVERN 
Governor  of  Wisconsin 

CHARLES  E.  ESTABROOK 

Representing  Department    of    Wisconsin,    Grand 
Army  of  the  Republic 

REUBEN  G.  THWAITES 

Superintendent  of  the  State  Historical  Society  of 
Wisconsin 

CARL  RUSSELL  FISH 

Professor  of  American  History  in  the  University  of 
Wisconsin 

MATTHEW  S.  DUDGEON 

Secretary  of  the  Wisconsin  Library  Commission 


Chairman,  COMMISSIONER  ESTABROOK 
Secretary  and  Editor,  COMMISSIONER  THWAITES 
Committee  on  Publications,  COMMISSIONERS  THWAITES 
AND  FlSH 


[  viii 


EDITOR'S    PREFACE 

The  author  of  this  volume  was  born  at  Vernon, 
Connecticut,  on  March  1 2,  1 838,  of  a  long  line  of 
New  England  ancestry;  he  was  sixth  in  order  of 
descent  from  Governor  Thomas  Hinkley  of  Ply 
mouth  Colony.  Coming  to  Wisconsin  in  his  elev 
enth  year,  Julian  grew  to  young  manhood  on  his 
father's  farm  at  Waupun  and  in  Portage  County. 
In  1 858,  our  author  left  the  farm  and  started  life 
for  himself — teaching  school  in  winter,  and  work 
ing  as  a  carpenter  each  summer. 

On  April  1 9,  1 861 ,  Mr.  Hinkley  enlisted  in  the 
Waupun  Light  Guard  for  three  months.  But  the 
services  of  the  organization  were  not  accepted  for 
that  short  term  by  the  State  military  authorities,  so 
on  May  8  they  were  proffered  and  accepted  for  the 
war,  and  the  organization  became  Company  E  of 
the  Third  Wisconsin  Infantry.  Hinkley  was  at 
the  organization  appointed  First-Sergeant ;  but  on 
February  6,  1 862,  he  was  commissioned  Second- 
Lieutenant  of  his  company,  became  First-Lieuten 
ant  on  November  1  following,  and  on  May  4, 

[ix] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

1 863,  took  command  of  the  Company  as  Captain. 
He  continued  to  serve  the  Third  Wisconsin  until 
its  final  discharge  and  payment  in  Madison  on  Au 
gust  26,  1865,  but  during  the  last  few  months  of 
this  period  was  the  acting  Major  of  the  Regiment. 
Since  the  war,  Major  Hinkley  has  been  largely 
engaged  in  erecting  public  buildings,  and  has  a 
wide  acquaintance  throughout  Northeast  Wiscon 
sin. 

The  Commission  is  much  pleased  at  this  oppor 
tunity  to  publish  Major  Hinkley 's  Narrative. 
The  book  has  only  in  part  been  written  from  mem 
ory.  It  has  been  made  up  from  several  excellent 
sources :  ( 1 )  A  manuscript  diary  kept  from  day 
to  day,  or  week  to  week,  by  Mr.  Hinkley  during 
the  years  of  his  service;  (2)  several  contemporary 
letters  written  by  him,  either  to  the  local  press  of 
his  section  of  the  State,  or  to  relatives  and  friends  at 
home ;  and  lastly  (3) ,  a  manuscript  narrative  writ 
ten  by  the  author  several  years  after  the  war,  for 
the  edification  of  his  children.  The  work  of  amal 
gamating  these  diverse  materials  has  fallen  to  the 
lot  of  the  editorial  department  of  the  Commission ; 
the  result,  however,  has  been  passed  upon  in  detail 


EDITOR  S  PREFACE 

by  Major  Hinkley,  and  in  its  present  continuous 
form  accepted  by  him  as  his  final  narrative.  This 
method  of  compilation  has  secured  a  manuscript 
possessing  a  contemporaneous  flavor  and  accuracy, 
not  usual  with  reminiscences.  The  Commission 
ers  feel  that  the  book  is  an  interesting  and  valuable 
contribution  to  the  literature  of  the  war,  being  the 
view-point  of  a  company  commander  in  one  of  the 
most  active  of  Wisconsin  regiments,  throughout 
the  entire  period  of  the  struggle. 

R.  G.  T. 

WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  LIBRARY 
September,  J  91 2 


SERVICE  IN  THE  THIRD  WISCON 
SIN  INFANTRY 

Enlistment  and  Training 

""'HE  presidential  election  of  1860  found  me 
A  just  become  of  age.  I  exercised  my  newly- 
acquired  rights  of  citizenship,  in  the  then  little  vil 
lage  of  Waupun,  Wisconsin,  by  participating  in  the 
hurrahing  and  torchlight  processions  that  in  those 
days  characterized  a  political  campaign.  I  was 
a  carpenter  by  trade,  but  immediately  after  the 
election  went  to  teach  a  country  school  in  the 
backwoods  town  of  Buena  Vista,  in  Portage 
County.  Daily  papers  in  that  sparsely  settled 
community  were  of  course  an  unknown  luxury, 
and  it  was  only  through  the  weeklies  that  we 
heard  of  the  gathering  storm  in  the  Nation.  From 
them  we  learned  how  State  after  State  in  the 
South  were  holding  conventions,  that  they  were 
passing  ordinances  of  secession,  and  that  the  dele 
gates  were  gathering  at  Montgomery,  Alabama, 
to  organize  the  Confederate  States  of  America. 
i  [i] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

In  the  North,  few  people  seemed  as  yet  to 
realize  that  a  great  war  was  impending.  The 
Southern  newspapers  boastfully  asserted  that  se 
cession  might  be  accomplished  in  peace,  for  the 
Northerners  were  a  nation  of  shopkeepers  and 
mechanics,  who  would  never  fight  to  prevent  it. 
And  these  statements,  reprinted  in  the  Northern 
papers,  were  far  from  soothing,  for  there  is  nothing 
that  so  quickly  arouses  the  combativeness  of  men, 
and  especially  of  young  men,  as  the  intimation 
that  they  are  cowards.  Thus  were  the  younger 
and  more  hot-headed  men  on  both  sides  being 
stirred  to  warlike  feeling  by  newspaper  writers, 
until  such  hostile  sentiment  was  aroused  that  war 
was  inevitable. 

Immediately  after  the  secession  of  South  Caro 
lina,  I  had  expressed  my  intention,  in  conversa 
tion  with  my  friends,  that  should  war  follow,  I 
would  have  a  hand  in  it.  This  determination 
grew  as  events  drifted  on  from  bad  to  worse.  I 
cannot  say  that  I  was  very  strongly  animated  by  a 
love  for  the  Union  in  the  abstract,  or  that  I  consid 
ered  the  abolition  of  slavery  worth  fighting  for; 
but  I  felt  that  the  dismemberment  of  the  Union  by 

[2]- 


ENLISTMENT  AND  TRAINING 

armed   force,   submitted  to  without  a  struggle, 
would  be  a  disgrace  to  the  whole  North. 

The  events  of  the  following  winter  and  spring 
are  a  part  of  the  history  of  the  Nation.  Abraham 
Lincoln  was  inaugurated  on  March  4,  1 86 1 .  On 
April  1 2,  Fort  Sumter  was  fired  upon,  and  sur 
rendered  on  the  1 4th.  On  April  1 5  Lincoln  is 
sued  his  call  for  troops,  and  the  war  had  burst 
upon  the  Nation  in  all  its  fury. 

Waupun  for  a  number  of  years  maintained 
an  independent  military  company,  called  the 
Waupun  Light  Guard.  This  organization  had 
in  its  possession  forty  stand  of  arms  belonging  to 
the  State,  and  uniforms  for  about  twenty  of  its 
members.  On  the  morning  of  April  1 9,  I  had 
gone  down  to  the  main  street  of  the  village  to  buy 
a  paper.  While  discussing  with  Captain  Clark 
of  the  military  company,  the  events  of  the  day,  an 
agent  of  the  State,  who  had  just  arrived  on  the 
morning  train,  approached  us.  He  read  to  the 
Captain  a  notice  that  his  company  must  at  once  be 
filled  up  to  the  regulation  standard  and  reported 
for  active  duty,  or  surrender  its  arms,  to  be  used  by 
other  companies  going  into  service. 

[3]  . 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

I  had  not  heretofore  belonged  to  this  company, 
but  at  once  told  the  Captain  that  I  would  enlist, 
and  aid  him  to  fill  his  command  to  the  required 
standard.  A  meeting  was  called  for  that  night, 
and  with  the  assistance  of  the  patriotic  people  of 
the  village  and  surrounding  country,  the  company 
was  filled  up  by  nine  o'clock  of  the  next  morning. 
A  telegram  was  immediately  sent  to  Madison, 
tendering  service  for  the  ninety-day  call.  We  had 
acted  promptly  and  swiftly,  yet  not  quite  swiftly 
enough.  Twenty-three  other  companies  had  filed 
notice  before  us,  and  the  quota  of  Wisconsin  was 
full. 

Enthusiasm  among  the  men  ran  high,  however, 
and  when  on  May  8  it  was  learned  that  no  more 
ninety-day  men  could  be  accepted,  it  was  deter 
mined  by  vote  to  tender  service  for  the  entire  war, 
however  long  that  might  be.  Those  whose  busi 
ness  was  such  that  they  could  not  leave  home  for 
longer  than  ninety  days  retired,  but  their  places 
were  quickly  taken  by  others  who  were  anxious  to 
go.  We  were  now  accepted,  and  assigned  to  the 
Third  Wisconsin  Volunteers  and  ordered  to  ren- 


[4] 


ENLISTMENT  AND  TRAINING 

devouz  at  Fond  du  Lac  as  soon  as  camp  equipage 
could  be  furnished. 

The  former  officers  of  the  company  were  re 
tained,  with  the  consent  of  the  newly-enlisted  men, 
and  additional  non-commissioned  officers  were 
elected.  Among  the  latter  I  was  chosen  First 
Sergeant,  which  position  I  held  until  promoted 
to  a  Second-Lieutenancy. 

We  boarded  at  the  best  hotels  in  the  village, 
until  ordered  into  camp.  We  were  drilled  several 
hours  each  day,  and  prepared  for  the  work  in  store 
for  us  by  the  study  of  tactics  and  army  regulations. 
At  length,  after  what  seemed  to  us  in  our  im 
patience  an  interminable  delay,  we  went  into 
camp  at  Fond  du  Lac  on  June  1 5,  and  for  the  first 
time  lived  in  tents.  We  now  had  daily  company 
and  battalion  drill,  together  with  officers'  school  in 
tactics  and  sword  exercise.  Colonel  Thomas  H. 
Ruger,  our  commander,  was  a  West  Point  gradu 
ate,  and  under  his  efficient  direction  we  became, 
before  we  had  been  very  long  in  the  service,  as 
thoroughly  drilled  and  disciplined  as  any  regiment 
of  regulars.  Indeed  we  all  felt  sure,  while  we 


[5] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

were  still  at  Fond  du  Lac,  that  we  were  already 
veterans. 

On  June  28  appeared  Captain  Mclntyre  of  the 
regular  army  to  inspect  us  and  muster  us  into  the 
service  of  the  United  States.  And  here  occurred  a 
difficulty  which  illustrates  how  confidently  the 
people  of  the  North  expected  that  the  war  would 
be  of  only  short  duration.  Many  of  the  best  men 
in  the  company,  who  had  been  entirely  willing  to 
enlist  "for  the  war,"  objected  to  being  mustered 
in  for  a  three-years'  term  of  service  as  required  by 
the  instructions  of  the  Federal  Government.  It  was 
only  after  considerable  persuasion  that  they  were 
all  finally  induced  to  do  so.  Probably  not  one  of 
them  had  the  slightest  idea  that  he  would  serve  for 
three  years,  and  then  enlist  again  for  another  three 
years,  before  the  great  struggle  would  be  ended. 

On  the  day  after  mustering  in,  uniforms  were 
issued  to  us,  consisting  of  light-grey  trousers, 
mixed-grey  blouse,  and  light-coloured  hat.  At 
first,  they  looked  bright  and  fine,  but  they  were  of 
such  poor  quality,  especially  the  trousers,  that 
within  ten  days  it  was  necessary  to  furnish  the  en 
tire  regiment  with  common  blue  workingmen's 

[6] 


TO  THE  FRONT 

overalls,  in  order  that  we  might  with  decency  be 
seen  upon  the  streets.  Some  money-loving  patriot 
contractor  had  gathered  in  his  reward  from  the 
State  of  Wisconsin  by  providing  us  with  shoddy 
clothes ;  and  in  the  end  it  came  out  of  the  pay  of 
the  Regiment. 

Departure  for  the  Front 

The  preparations  for  departure  were  soon  com 
pleted,  and  on  July  12,  1861,  we  shouldered  our 
knapsacks,  strapped  on  our  haversacks,  containing 
several  days'  rations,  and  boarded  the  railroad 
cars  for  the  seat  of  war  in  Virginia.  The  train  of 
twenty- four  coaches  pulled  out  of  the  station  amid 
the  cheers  and  farewells  of  our  many  friends,  who 
had  gathered  to  see  us  off.  All  were  in  the  best  of 
spirits.  It  seemed  to  us  as  though  we  were  setting 
out  on  a  grand  pleasure  excursion.  No  thought  of 
death  or  disaster  appeared  to  cross  the  mind  of 
anyone.  And  yet  how  many  were  saying  fare 
well,  never  to  return! 

Our  route  took  us  through  Chicago,  Toledo, 
Cleveland,  and  Erie.  Everywhere  we  were 
feasted  and  toasted  by  the  enthusiastic  people 

[7] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

along  the  line.  At  Buffalo  the  entire  population 
seemed  to  have  turned  out  to  welcome  the  wild 
woodsmen  of  the  Northwest.  The  local  military 
companies  of  that  city  escorted  us  through  the  prin 
cipal  streets;  speeches  were  made  by  the  mayor 
and  prominent  citizens.  We  were  very  soon  con 
vinced  that  we  were,  indeed,  heroes  in  embryo. 
At  Williamsport,  Pennsylvania,  we  were  given 
a  reception  surpassing  anything  that  had  gone 
before;  even  now, , more  than  fifty  years  after,  its 
pleasant  recollections  still  linger  in  my  mind. 
Tables  were  set  along  the  sidewalk  in  the  shade 
of  magnificent  trees,  and  these  tables  were  literally 
loaded  with  all  the  good  things  that  could  tempt 
an  epicure.  There  were,  besides,  fair  ladies  with 
out  number  to  welcome  us,  and  wait  upon  our 
needs. 

On  July  16  we  reached  Hagerstown,  Mary 
land,  where  we  went  into  camp,  and  where  on  the 
next  day  we  were  equipped  with  a  complete  outfit 
of  muskets,  ammunition,  and  camp  utensils.  The 
degree  of  preparation  of  the  Federal  Government 
for  war  at  this  time,  may  be  judged  from  the  fact 
that  the  muskets  issued  to  us  were  old-time  smooth- 

[8] 


IN   MARYLAND 

bore  Springfields,  that  had  been  rifled  for  a  minie- 
ball ;  they  were  so  light,  that  their  barrels  would 
spring  after  the  rapid  firing  of  a  dozen  shots. 

Service  in  Maryland 

On  the  morning  of  July  1 7  we  broke  camp  and 
started  for  Harpers  Ferry,  thirty  miles  distant. 
Now  for  the  first  time  I  began  to  realize  what  it 
was  to  be  a  soldier.  I  carried  a  knapsack  laden 
with  the  various  things  that  kind  friends  at  home 
had  thought  necessary  for  a  soldier's  comfort,  a 
haversack  containing  two  days'  rations,  a  musket 
with  accoutrements,  and  forty  rounds  of  ammu 
nition,  altogether  weighing  not  less  than  fifty 
pounds.  The  weather  was  extremely  hot  and  the 
roads  very  muddy,  so  that  by  the  time  we  had  gone 
fifteen  miles  I  was  entirely  ready  to  go  into  camp. 

Our  camp  was  pitched  on  the  side  of  a  hill. 
Our  mess,  in  order  to  find  as  level  a  sleeping  place 
as  possible,  pitched  the  tent  in  a  low  place,  and  in 
our  ignorance  of  camp  life  we  neglected  to  dig  a 
ditch  around  it.  A  sudden  shower  came  up  soon 
after  we  had  gone  to  sleep,  and  in  a  short  time  we 
found  ourselves  lying  in  a  pool  of  water.  And  as 

[9] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

if  this  were  not  misfortune  enough,  our  tent  pins, 
loosened  by  the  soaking  of  the  ground,  suddenly 
pulled  out,  and  down  came  our  canvas  shelter. 
Subsequent  experience  enabled  me  to  sleep  in  wet 
blankets,  or  in  no  blankets  at  all,  just  as  well  as 
in  the  best  bed ;  but  at  this  time  it  was  impossible. 
So  gathering  a  rubber  blanket  around  my  shoul 
ders,  I  found  a  large  stone,  and  remained  upon  it 
for  the  rest  of  the  night.  In  the  morning  we  con 
tinued  the  march  toward  Harpers  Ferry.  Our 
camp  for  the  next  night  was  pitched  on  a  bit  of 
comparatively  level  ground  on  the  east  side  of 
Maryland  Heights,  overlooking  the  little  village 
of  Sandy  Hook,  and  about  a  mile  distant  from 
Harpers  Ferry.  A  more  thoroughly  used-up  lot 
of  men  than  ours  that  night,  it  would  be  hard  to 
find. 

My  first  military  duty  was  to  guard  the  ford  at 
Harpers  Ferry  and  the  bridges  across  the  canal. 
The  region  was  historic  ground,  and  I  took  this 
opportunity  to  visit  the  old  arsenal,  then  in  ruins, 
and  the  old  engine-house  where  John  Brown  had 
battled  so  bravely  for  his  life.  I  made  it  a  point 

also  to  visit  Jefferson's  Rock,  the  view  from  which 

[10] 


IN  MARYLAND 

Jefferson,  in  his  Notes  on  Virginia,  says  is  worth  a 
voyage  across  the  Atlantic  to  see. 

On  September  15,  while  encamped  in  the  vi 
cinity  of  Darnestown,  we  were  ordered,  late  in  the 
day,  to  break  camp  and  take  the  road  toward  the 
west.  Our  destination  was  not  disclosed  to  us, 
and  there  was  a  great  deal  of  speculation  among 
the  men  as  to  the  object  of  this  secret  and  hurried 
march.  The  next  day  we  found  out  from  citizens 
along  the  road  that  we  were  on  the  way  to  Fred 
erick  City,  the  capital  of  Maryland.  We  arrived 
there  late  on  the  afternoon  of  the  1 6th,  and  re 
ceived  an  enthusiastic  welcome  from  the  citizens 
of  that  loyal  town.  Early  the  next  morning,  guards 
were  stationed  on  all  roads  leading  out  of  town, 
and  detachments  of  men,  accompanied  by  detec 
tives,  proceeded  to  arrest  the  members  of  the 
Maryland  Legislature,  who  had  assembled  there 
for  the  purpose  of  passing  an  ordinance  of  seces 
sion.  It  was  thus  that  Maryland  was  saved  to  the 
Union  by  the  promptness  of  General  McClellan. 
Her  secessionist  legislators  found  themselves, 
shortly  after,  assembled  at  Fort  McHenry,  with 
leisure  to  meditate  upon  their  schemes. 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

The  Regiment  remained  in  camp  at  Frederick 
City  until  late  in  October.  The  usual  monotony 
of  camp  life,  with  its  drills,  dress  parades,  and 
guard  mountings,  was  broken  only  by  the  arrival 
of  the  paymaster  with  crisp  new  greenbacks  of  the 
first  issue,  and  by  the  appearance  of  new  blue  uni 
forms  in  exchange  for  our  tattered  array.  To  the 
old  grey  we  bade  adieu  without  a  sigh  of  regret, 
and  proudly  donned  the  blue  of  United  States 
soldiers. 

One  interesting  incident  occurred  during  our 
stay  here,  which  gave  us  a  subject  for  discussion 
for  several  days.  News  had  been  brought  to  us  of 
a  large  quantity  of  wheat,  stored  in  a  mill  in  Har 
pers  Ferry,  which  was  about  to  be  ground  into 
flour  for  the  use  of  the  Confederate  army.  An 
expedition  to  capture  it  was  soon  organized  under 
command  of  Colonel  John  W.  Geary  of  the 
Twenty-Eighth  Pennsylvania.  It  was  composed 
of  a  detachment  of  two  hundred  men  from  our  reg 
iment  under  command  of  Captain  Bertram,  with 
similar  detachments  from  the  Twelfth  Massachu 
setts  and  Twenty-Eighth  Pennsylvania,  besides  a 
section  of  artillery.  The  expedition  was  success- 

[12] 


IN   MARYLAND 

ful;  the  wheat  was  safely  removed  to  the  north 
side  of  the  river,  and  the  command  was  ready  to 
return,  when  a  large  force  of  the  enemy  appeared, 
seemingly  disposed  for  a  fight.  Our  men  were 
quite  willing  to  accommodate  them,  and  moved 
up  the  hill  toward  Bolivar  Heights,  where  the 
enemy  was  already  strongly  posted  with  artillery. 
Skirmishing  immediately  commenced.  But  this 
soon  proved  too  slow  for  our  impatient  men ;  they 
charged  the  Confederate  position,  and  soon  had 
the  satisfaction  of  seeing  the  last  of  the  Southern 
ers  disappear  in  the  direction  of  Charlestown, 
leaving  their  artillery  in  our  hands. 

In  this  engagement  the  heaviest  fighting  fell  to 
the  detachment  of  the  Third  Wisconsin ;  the  piece 
of  artillery  was  brought  off  by  them  as  a  trophy. 
This  command  also  sustained  all  of  the  loss,  hav 
ing  had  six  men  killed  and  four  wounded.  The 
dead  were  brought  back  and  buried  with  military 
honors  in  the  cemetery  at  Frederick  City.  The 
fight  had  in  a  large  measure  been  unnecessary,  for 
the  entire  object  of  the  expedition  had  been  accom 
plished  before  the  enemy  appeared  in  force;  yet 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

the  moral  effect  on  the  men  was  good,  since  it 
increased  their  self -confidence. 

On  November  1  we  rejoined  the  Division  of 
General  Banks,  near  Darnestown,  where  we  re 
mained  until  the  beginning  of  the  next  month. 
The  whole  Division  then  moved  to  the  vicinity  of 
Frederick  City,  our  Regiment  being  detailed  in  the 
city  as  provost  guard.  We  built  our  barracks  in 
the  old  barrack  yard,  and  settled  down  for  the 
winter  to  the  regular  routine  of  guard  duty.  Two 
companies  were  detailed  each  day — one  for  the 
guard-house,  the  other  to  patrol  the  city  and  pre 
serve  order.  The  snow,  rain,  and  mud  kept  the 
ground  in  such  condition  that  drilling  was  im 
possible  ;  thus  we  had  little  to  do  but  kill  time  with 
chess,  checkers,  cards,  and  dominoes.  The  winter 
wore  slowly  away  in  this  uneventful  manner.  In 
January  news  was  received  of  the  victory  of  Gen 
eral  Thomas  at  Somerset,  Kentucky ;  also  the  cap 
ture  of  Roanoke  Island,  by  General  Burnside,  and 
immediately  after  this,  in  February,  the  great  vic 
tories  of  General  Grant  at  Forts  Henry  and  Don- 
elson.  The  enthusiasm  of  the  command  over  these 


14] 


FOLLOWING  JACKSON 

successes  knew  no  bounds,  and  our  impatience  to 
be  on  the  move  could  scarcely  be  restrained. 

On  the  trail  of  Stonewall  Jackson 

At  length  the  long-wished-for  came.  On  the 
morning  of  February  25,  1862,  we  bade  adieu  to 
the  barracks  that  had  sheltered  us  so  long,  and 
boarding  the  cars  moved  to  Sandy  Hook,  where 
we  went  into  camp  on  the  ground  that  we  had  left 
six  months  before.  During  the  night  there  arrived 
a  train  of  cars  with  a  pontoon  bridge,  in  charge  of 
a  detachment  of  United  States  engineers;  and 
General  McClellan  came  from  Washington  by 
special  train,  personally  to  supervise  the  movement. 
Our  Regiment  being  largely  composed  of  lumber 
men  and  raftsmen  from  northern  Wisconsin,  who 
were  accustomed  to  running  rafts  on  the  rivers  of 
our  State,  readily  made  up  a  detail  of  a  hundred 
experienced  fellows  to  assist  the  engineers  in  lay 
ing  the  bridge.  By  noon  it  was  constructed,  1 300 
feet  long,  in  a  swift  current  and  our  Regiment,  the 
advance  of  the  army,  was  on  its  way  into  Dixie. 

We  moved  rapidly  on  to  Bolivar  Heights  with 
out  seeing  anything  of  the  enemy,  and  halted  there 

[15] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

for  the  night,  happy  in  the  thought  that  at  last  we 
were  doing  something.  On  February  28  a  strong 
reconnoitering  party  of  infantry,  artillery,  and  cav 
alry,  moved  forward,  and  without  opposition  occu 
pied  Charlestown.  It  was  a  village  of  national 
reputation  at  that  time,  for  there  John  Brown  was 
tried  and  hung.  It  was  one  of  the  hottest  seces 
sionist  spots  in  the  State,  any  Union  sentiment  that 
might  have  existed,  being  carefully  concealed. 
We  remained  there  for  several  days  quartered  in 
the  various  churches  and  public  buildings,  while  I 
improved  the  opportunity  to  visit  the  many  points 
of  interest.  On  March  2  came  my  commission  as 
Second  Lieutenant  of  Company  D. 

On  March  1  1  we  once  more  moved  forward  in 
the  direction  of  Winchester,  the  advance  guard 
skirmishing  with  the  enemy  occasionally,  but  meet 
ing  no  serious  resistance.  The  next  morning  we 
turned  out  at  four  o'clock,  and  advancing  through 
fields  and  woods  for  about  an  hour,  came  at  length 
in  sight  of  the  entrenchments  of  Winchester,  about 
a  mile  to  the  front.  Our  right  and  left  companies 
were  thrown  forward  as  skirmishers,  in  preparation 

for  a  fight,  but  met  with  no  resistance,  and  were 

[16] 


FOLLOWING  JACKSON 

soon  clambering  over  the  parapet  of  the  deserted 
fort.  They  pushed  on  into  the  town,  the  remain 
der  of  the  Regiment  following  closely  after,  and  re 
ceived  from  the  mayor  the  formal  surrender  of  the 
municipality.  It  was  the  first  surrender  of  this  in 
teresting  city,  which  is  said  to  have  been  captured 
and  recaptured  more  than  thirty  times  during  the 
war.  We  found  here  an  apparently  strong  Union 
sentiment.  As  our  Regiment  marched  in  with 
colors  flying  and  band  playing,  the  citizens  were 
rejoicing  everywhere  over  their  deliverance  from 
the  Confederates.  Innumerable  handkerchiefs 
were  waving  to  welcome  us,  and  in  some  in 
stances  the  stars  and  stripes  were  displayed.  We 
learned  from  citizens  that  General  Stonewall 
Jackson  had  with  6,000  men,  retreated  the  night 
before  toward  Strasburgh,  taking  with  him  quite 
a  number  of  the  Union  citizens  of  the  town. 

We  now  went  into  camp  a  short  distance  south 
of  Winchester,  where  we  remained  until  March 
22.  Continually  we  were  hearing  of  the  glorious 
successes  of  the  Western  Army,  and  becoming 
more  and  more  anxious  that  our  Army  of  the  Po 
tomac  should  be  given  an  opportunity  to  rival  its 

2  [17] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

achievements.  A  number  of  changes  in  the  organi 
zation  of  the  Division  were  made  while  we  were 
here  in  camp.  The  only  one  of  importance  to  us 
was  the  transfer  of  the  Second  Massachusetts  to 
our  Brigade  in  place  of  the  Ninth  New  York,  giv 
ing  us  Colonel  Gordon  of  the  Second  Massachu 
setts  as  brigade  commander  in  place  of  General 
Hamilton,  our  old  leader.  This  circumstance  was 
little  liked  at  the  time ;  but  it  was  the  beginning  of 
our  friendship  with  the  Second  Massachusetts, 
that  remained  very  close  throughout  the  war. 

On  March  22  our  Division  left  Winchester  to 
proceed,  as  we  believed,  to  Manassas  Junction.  At 
the  end  of  a  two  days'  march  we  were  camping 
for  the  night  about  three  miles  east  of  Snicker's 
Gap,  in  the  Blue  Ridge.  Rumors  here  began  to 
circulate,  that  there  had  in  our  absence  been  con 
siderable  fighting  at  Winchester.  It  was  reported 
that  the  Confederates  had  been  defeated,  but  that 
General  Shields  had  been  wounded  in  the  battle. 
We  were  not,  therefore,  surprised,  the  next  morn 
ing,  to  be  ordered  to  march  back  over  the  identical 
road  upon  which  we  had  come.  We  reached 

Winchester  the  same  night  after  a  hard  march  of 

[18] 


FOLLOWING  JACKSON 

twenty-five  miles,  and  learned  from  its  citizens 
that  there  certainly  had  been  a  fight.  We  were 
informed  that  General  Jackson  had  learned  of  our 
departure  from  Winchester,  but  had  not  heard  that 
Shields  was  still  encamped  north  of  the  city. 
Jackson  had  made  a  hasty  move  to  recapture  Win 
chester,  but  had  been  confronted  by  Shields  near 
Kernstown.  Here  the  Confederates  had  been 
completely  routed  and  driven  beyond  Strasburgh, 
with  heavy  loss  in  killed  and  prisoners. 

On  the  morning  after  our  arrival  at  Winchester, 
I  went  out  to  take  a  view  of  the  battle-field,  and 
was  able  to  gain  some  idea  of  what  the  future  held 
in  store  for  us.  The  wounded  had  already  been 
cared  for,  and  some  of  the  dead  had  been  buried ; 
but  sixteen  of  our  dead  remained  on  the  field,  and 
something  over  three  hundred  of  the  enemy's.  In 
one  part  of  the  battle-ground,  covered  with  small 
timber  and  underbrush,  where  the  enemy  had  for 
a  time  made  a  stubborn  resistance,  scarcely  a  bush 
or  a  tree  but  showed  the  marks  of  bullets  at  a 
height  of  from  three  to  six  feet  from  the  ground. 
In  my  inexperience,  I  then  wondered  how  any  man 

could  have  lived  in  that  thicket;  and  in  truth,  not 

[19] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

many  did  live  there  long,  for  the  ground  was 
strewn  with  the  dead. 

Returning  to  camp  at  noon,  I  found  that  we 
were  again  under  orders  to  march.  We  started 
out  near  sundown,  moving  that  night  to  Strasburgh, 
and  found  the  bridge  over  Cedar  Creek,  two  miles 
this  side  of  Strasburgh,  destroyed.  It  had  been 
burned  by  Jackson  at  the  time  of  his  first  retreat 
from  Winchester.  This  precaution  had  in  the  re 
cent  fight  proved  to  be  his  undoing,  for  in  his  hasty 
flight  before  Shield's  Division,  his  army,  which 
up  to  that  place  had  preserved  good  order,  was 
completely  disorganized  and  suffered  a  loss  of  two 
hundred  prisoners. 

We  remained  at  Strasburgh  for  several  days. 
During  that  time  I  was  detailed  on  a  general  court 
martial  to  try  some  soldiers  who  had  been  arrested 
for  depredations  on  private  property.  Their  of 
fence,  as  I  was  informed,  consisted  in  stealing 
chickens  and  honey,  against  which  stringent  orders 
were  at  that  time  in  force.  The  court  convened  in 
all  dignity,  and  sent  word  to  the  General  that  it 
was  ready  to  try  the  culprits.  In  a  few  minutes 
Adjutant  Wilkins  appeared,  presented  the  com- 

[20] 


FOLLOWING  JACKSON 

pliments  of  the  General  and  informed  us  that  the 
prisoners  had  escaped.  We  were  requested  to  ad 
journ  until  they  had  been  recaptured.  As  that 
court  was  never  reconvened,  it  may  be  taken  for 
granted  that  the  prisoners  were  never  recaptured. 

On  the  first  day  of  April  we  again  moved  for 
ward,  driving  the  enemy  in  such  haste  that  they 
left  their  dinners  cooking  on  the  fires.  Several 
times  during  the  day,  they  opened  on  us  with  artil 
lery,  but  a  few  shots  from  our  battery  would 
quickly  send  them  on  again.  On  the  17th  we 
made  another  attempt  to  get  at  Jackson's  army, 
by  moving  one  Division  up  the  Shenandoah  River 
on  the  west  side,  and  the  other  into  New  Market 
from  the  southwest.  Our  Regiment  was  with  the 
latter  Division.  After  fording  a  river  up  to  our 
armpits,  and  finding  it  as  cold  as  melting  snow 
from  the  mountains  could  make  it,  we  found  that 
the  enemy  had  again  shown  his  heels  and  once 
more  was  away  to  the  south. 

During  the  next  month  we  followed  the  retreat 
ing  army  of  General  Jackson  to  Harrisonburg, 
and  then  came  back  to  Strasburgh.  Here  we 
made  some  little  show  of  fortifying;  but  in  the 

[21] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

main,  we  were  as  easy  and  unconcerned  as  though 
the  war  was  over.  And  in  fact,  the  good  news 
received  from  all  quarters,  and  the  orders  from  the 
War  Department  to  stop  all  recruiting,  led  us  to 
believe  that  the  contest  was  nearly  ended.  In 
camp,  bets  were  freely  offered,  with  no  takers, 
that  the  Regiment  would  be  back  in  Wisconsin  by 
September.  I  remember  writing  to  a  friend,  about 
this  time,  that  my  part  of  the  work  of  suppressing 
the  Rebellion  seemed  to  be  about  done.  How 
sadly  were  we  mistaken ! 

The  Tables  Tamed 

We  had  a  rude  awakening  from  our  dream  of 
peace.  While  we  had  been  idling  in  fancied  se 
curity,  General  Jackson  had  gathered  a  large  force 
with  which  to  overwhelm  us.  Our  first  intimation 
of  trouble  came  on  the  night  of  May  23,  when  we 
were  hastily  called  to  defend  our  railroad  bridge 
toward  Front  Royal  against  the  attack  of  the  en 
emy.  The  next  day  we  were  in  full  retreat  toward 
Winchester. 

When  about  half  way  to  Winchester,  the  en 
emy,  who  had  crossed  from  Front  Royal,  attacked 

[22] 


PURSUED   BY  JACKSON 

our  train  in  the  front.  The  Fifth  Connecticut  and 
Twenty-Eighth  New  York  were  hurried  forward, 
with  the  rest  of  the  command  following,  and  the 
road  was  soon  cleared.  But  this  had  hardly  been 
accomplished,  when  the  enemy  attacked  in  the 
rear,  and  cut  off  about  fifty  wagons.  At  this  new 
danger  a  halt  was  called,  and  with  two  regiments 
and  a  battery,  General  Banks  hastened  to  the  rear. 
The  lost  wagons  were  recovered,  but  the  animals 
having  all  been  driven  off  or  killed,  it  was  neces 
sary  to  burn  the  vehicles.  Among  the  wagons 
destroyed  was  one  containing  all  the  rations  and 
cooking  utensils  of  my  Company.  We  succeeded 
at  night  in  securing  a  few  crackers  from  some  of 
the  more  fortunate  companies,  but  most  of  my  men 
went  supperless  to  bed.  Moreover,  there  were 
prospects  for  a  lively  fight  in  the  morning. 

I  was  awakened  early  by  the  picket-firing, 
which  commenced  at  daybreak,  and  found  myself 
thoroughly  chilled  from  sleeping  on  the  bare 
ground,  without  blankets  or  shelter.  However, 
both  hunger  and  cold  were  soon  forgotten  in  the 
more  pressing  demands  upon  our  attention.  The 
position  chosen  by  General  Banks  for  the  night's 

[23] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

bivouac  was  probably  the  worst  that  could  have 
been  found  between  Strasburgh  and  the  Potomac 
River.  With  seven  regiments  of  infantry  we  oc 
cupied  a  small  field  lying  between  the  outskirts  of 
the  city  and  the  hills  on  the  south.  The  enemy 
were  in  possession  of  the  hills,  where  they  had 
erected  considerable  fortifications.  Colonel 
Gordon's  Brigade  was  on  the  right  of  the  road; 
that  of  Colonel  Donnelly  was  on  the  left — all  fac 
ing  the  enemy. 

Our  skirmishers  were  promptly  advanced,  and 
commenced  firing  on  the  enemy  in  their  entrench 
ments.  Supported  by  a  battery  in  our  rear,  which 
fired  over  our  heads  into  their  position,  we  were 
maintaining  a  lively  fire,  when  suddenly  it  was 
discovered  that  the  enemy  was  passing  around 
upon  our  right,  with  the  evident  intention  of  getting 
in  our  rear.  The  Twenty-Seventh  Indiana  and 
Twenty-Ninth  Pennsylvania  were  hurriedly 
moved  to  the  right,  but  had  hardly  reached  their 
position  when  they  were  furiously  assailed  both 
in  front  and  flank  by  the  advancing  Confederates. 
The  Twenty-Ninth  Pennsylvania  received  the  first 
brunt  of  the  attack,  and  soon  was  in  full  retreat. 

[24] 


PURSUED   BY  JACKSON 

The  Twenty-Seventh  Indiana  came  in  for  the 
next  attack,  and  they  also  fell  back  about  a  quar 
ter  of  a  mile  to  some  stone  walls  on  the  outskirts  of 
the  city.  Our  Regiment  and  the  Second  Massa 
chusetts,  which  as  yet  had  scarcely  been  engaged, 
were  now  faced  about  and  marched  to  the  rear, 
until  we  reached  the  fenced  lots  on  the  outskirts  of 
the  town.  Here  we  were  halted,  and  opened  fire 
on  the  enemy,  who  had  appeared  in  large  numbers 
upon  our  front. 

We  had  soon  checked  the  Confederates  im 
mediately  before  us.  I  was  looking  around  to  see 
how  things  were  going  with  the  others,  when  I  be 
came  aware  that  Company  F  and  a  portion  of  my 
Company  were  entirely  alone.  It  appears  that 
orders  had  been  sent  around  by  General  Banks  to 
fall  back  to  the  north  side  of  the  city;  but  we,  be 
ing  separated  from  the  rest  of  the  Regiment  by  an 
intervening  street,  had  not  heard  them.  There  we 
were,  fighting  the  whole  Southern  army  by  our 
selves  !  I  hastened  to  Captain  Limbocker  to  call  his 
attention  to  our  position.  He  saw  the  situation  at  a 
glance,  and  left-facing  the  companies,  marched 
double-quick  through  the  back  streets  toward  the 

[25] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

main  road  of  the  city.  By  this  time  our  men  had 
discovered  that  they  were  in  a  close  place,  and 
moved  rapidly.  Just  as  we  reached  the  main  street 
and  turned  north,  I  stopped  to  speak  to  the  Cap 
tain,  who  was  in  the  rear.  As  I  did  so,  I  saw  that 
the  whole  street  behind  us  to  the  south  was  swarm 
ing  with  Confederate  soldiers,  not  fifty  feet  away. 
They  were  in  such  confusion,  however,  that  it  was 
impossible  for  them  to  fire,  and  in  fact  they  did  not 
seem  to  try.  From  that  point  until  we  were  clear 
of  the  street,  it  was  simply  a  foot  race,  in  which  we 
were  the  winners.  They  evidently  soon  tired  of 
the  race,  for  before  we  were  clear  of  the  street  they 
had  some  artillery  in  position,  and  shot  and  shell 
were  flying  harmlessly  over  our  heads. 

We  afterwards  learned  that  Colonel  Don 
nelly's  Brigade,  which  at  the  beginning  of  the 
fight  had  been  posted  out  of  our  sight  on  the  left 
of  the  road,  had  also,  like  our  Brigade,  been  as 
sailed  in  front  and  in  the  flank ;  and  that  they  also, 
had  soon  been  forced  back  in  full  retreat. 

We  rejoined  our  Regiment  in  the  line,  without 
further  trouble.  From  our  position  we  could  see 

the  enemy  on  the  hills  west  of  us,  endeavoring  by 

[26] 


PURSUED   BY  JACKSON 

rapid  marching  to  reach  the  road  in  our  rear.  We 
stopped  only  long  enough  to  gather  up  our  men, 
who  had  become  scattered  in  coming  through  the 
streets  of  the  city,  and  then  moved  on  toward 
Martinsburg.  We  did  no  more  fighting  and  no 
more  running.  All  of  General  Banks's  command 
was  ahead  of  us  except  two  sections  of  artillery, 
and  detachments  of  the  First  Vermont  and  First 
Michigan  Cavalry,  which  protected  our  rear  and 
kept  the  enemy  at  a  respectful  distance.  During 
the  retreat,  General  Banks  did  all  that  lay  in  the 
power  of  any  man  to  bring  off  his  men  without 
loss,  giving  personal  attention  to  the  posting  of  the 
rear  guard. 

I  suppose  it  was  about  eight  o'clock  in  the  morn 
ing  when  our  Regiment  began  its  march  to  Mar 
tinsburg,  twenty-three  miles  distant.  We  arrived 
there  at  about  five  in  the  afternoon,  without  hav 
ing  stopped  for  dinner,  and  without  rest.  Indeed, 
we  had  no  dinner  to  stop  for,  and  the  pursuing 
enemy  were  not  inclined  to  let  us  rest.  We  ex 
pected  to  stop  at  Martinsburg,  but  General  Banks 
did  not  deem  it  safe,  so  after  a  rest  of  a  half  hour 


[27] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

we  were  ordered  to  proceed  to  Williamsport, 
Maryland,  twelve  miles  farther  on. 

We  arrived  at  the  Potomac,  opposite  Williams- 
port,  about  ten  o'clock  that  night,  tired,  hungry, 
and  in  no  very  good  humor  over  the  results  of  our 
two  days'  work.  We  managed  to  secure  some 
salt  pork  and  a  few  crackers  for  supper,  after 
which  we  wrapped  ourselves  in  our  overcoats,  and 
took  such  rest  as  could  be  obtained,  amid  the  noise 
of  men  and  teams  crossing  the  ferry,  and  the  calls 
of  stragglers  who  were  coming  in  and  seeking  their 
regiments.  At  three  o'clock  in  the  morning  we 
were  aroused,  and  ordered  to  the  ferry.  About 
an  hour  later  we  were  across  the  Potomac  on  the 
Maryland  side,  drawn  up  in  line  of  battle  and 
waiting  for  the  enemy. 

General  Banks  was  untiring  in  his  efforts  to 
bring  our  train  over  safely,  even  riding  into  the 
water  to  save  mules  that  had  lost  their  footing,  and 
were  in  danger  of  drowning.  He  made  a  speech 
to  the  men,  telling  them  that  the  enemy  had  ad 
vanced  no  farther  than  Martinsburg,  and  that 
20,000  men  had  been  sent  to  cut  off  their  retreat. 

The  roll  call  taken  at  this  time   showed  that 

[28], 


AGAIN   IN   VIRGINIA 

eleven  men  of  Company  D  were  missing.  Four  of 
these  came  in  the  next  day,  having  taken  a  dif 
ferent  route  than  ours  through  the  mountains. 
Four  others  turned  up  in  Libby  prison.  Most  of 
our  men  had  thrown  away  their  knapsacks,  some 
their  haversacks  and  canteens,  and  sixteen  had  lost 
their  guns. 

We  remained  at  Williamsport  until  June  10, 
receiving  new  supplies  of  camp  and  garrison  equip 
age  to  replace  those  that  had  been  lost  or  de 
stroyed. 

We  were  rejoiced  during  this  time  to  hear  that 
the  Confederates  had  had  the  tables  turned  on 
them;  that  they  were  being  severely  pressed  be 
tween  Shields's  and  Fremont's  armies;  and  that 
all  the  baggage  and  prisoners  that  they  had  cap 
tured  from  us  had  been  retaken,  with  a  good  deal 
more  besides. 

On  the  morning  of  June  10  we  again  crossed 
into  Virginia,  and  marched  to  Front  Royal  with 
out  interruption.  We  passed  through  Winchester 
on  the  12th  without  stopping,  however,  for  the 
General  seemed  to  fear  that  our  men  would  burn 


[29 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

the  town  in  return  for  the  treachery  of  its  citizens 
during  our  retreat.  Both  men  and  women  had 
fired  on  us  from  the  windows,  and  had  poured 
down  scalding  water  as  we  passed  through  the 
streets.  It  was  even  reported  to  us  that  women 
had  entered  the  hospitals,  and  shot  sick  men  in 
their  beds;  but  this  last  was  later  contradicted. 

We  remained  at  Front  Royal  until  July  6,  dur 
ing  which  time  important  changes  were  made  in 
commanding  officers.  All  the  troops  in  northern 
and  western  Virginia  were  united  under  General 
John  Pope — the  three  army  corps  being  com 
manded  by  McDowell,  Sigel,  and  Banks.  A 
movement  was  made  to  concentrate  the  three  corps 
in  one  locality  east  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  in  the  ac 
complishment  of  which  we  were  marched  over  the 
mountains  at  Chester  Gap  on  the  hottest  day  I  ever 
experienced.  Eight  men  of  my  company  were  sun- 
struck  that  afternoon,  resulting  fatally  in  one  case, 
and  in  permanent  disability  in  the  others.  We 
camped  at  night  on  the  headwaters  of  the  Rappa- 
hannock,  in  a  country  described  as  naturally  poor, 
and  entirely  ruined  by  cultivation.  There  was 


[30] 


POPES  MISTAKE 

one  exception  to  this,  however,  in  the  abundance 
of  fruit.  There  were  cherries  and  blackberries  in 
plenty  for  everybody. 

While  in  camp  near  Little  Washington,  the  un 
fortunate,  bombastic  orders  of  General  Pope  were 
published  to  the  army;  unfortunate,  because  they 
incited  a  degree  of  contempt  for  him  which 
greatly  impaired  his  usefulness.  Many  of  his 
highflown  phrases,  such  as  "shame  and  disaster 
lurking  in  the  rear,"  afforded  a  fine  opportunity 
for  the  wits  of  the  army,  when,  not  three  weeks 
later,  his  headquarters  wagon  and  his  personal 
baggage  were  captured  by  the  enemy.  About 
the  first  of  August  he  arrived  at  the  front,  and  on 
the  next  Sunday  reviewed  General  Banks's  corps. 
Pope's  fine  appearance,  soldierly  bearing,  and  evi 
dent  knowledge  of  his  business  did  much  to  in 
spire  respect,  and  might  even  have  made  him 
popular,  if  we  could  only  have  forgotten  that  fool 
address  to  the  army.  He  inaugurated,  also,  many 
real  reforms.  I  don't  know  whether  he  was  en 
tirely  responsible  for  it;  but  under  his  command 
the  cavalry  began  to  be  of  real  service  to  the  army, 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

and  the  men  could  no  longer  ask,  "Who  ever  saw 
a  dead  cavalryman?" 

At  Cedar  Mountain 

On  August  7  we  broke  camp  again  and 
marched  to  Culpeper  Court  House.  Here  we 
learned  that  the  enemy  had  been  seen  in  consider 
able  force  near  Cedar  Mountain.  We  were  not 
surprised,  therefore,  on  the  morning  after  our  ar 
rival,  to  be  hastily  formed  and  ordered  off  toward 
Cedar  Mountain.  We  arrived  at  Cedar  Run  in 
the  early  afternoon,  and  found  Crawford's 
Brigade  of  our  Division  already  skirmishing  with 
the  enemy.  Our  Brigade  immediately  formed  in 
line  of  battle  on  the  right  of  the  road,  and  threw 
out  its  skirmish  line.  At  about  four  o'clock,  my 
Company  and  four  others  were  moved  forward  to 
reenforce  the  skirmishers. 

We  had  crossed  Cedar  Run  Creek,  and  were 
waiting  for  further  orders  in  a  heavy  stand  of  tim 
ber,  when  Captain  Wilkins  of  General  Williams's 
staff  rode  up,  enquiring  for  General  Banks.  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  Crane  informed  him  that  we  had 
seen  nothing  of  General  Banks  since  we  entered 

[32] 


CEDAR  MOUNTAIN 

the  woods.  Captain  Wilkins  then  explained  to  us 
that  General  Augur  was  meeting  with  consider 
able  success  on  the  left,  and  that  General  Craw 
ford  desired  our  Brigade  to  join  his  in  a  charge 
upon  the  right.  The  movement  required  the  sanc 
tion  of  General  Banks,  who  was,  however,  no 
where  to  be  found,  and  time  was  so  pressing  that 
he  almost  felt  justified  in  giving  the  order  himself, 
as  coming  from  General  Banks.  Captain  Wilkins 
then  turned  and  rode  off ,  but  had  not  been  gone  two 
minutes,  and  had  not,  I  am  confident,  seen  General 
Banks,  when  he  returned,  and  gave  Colonel  Ruger 
orders  to  assemble  the  Regiment  on  the  right  of 
Crawford's  Brigade  and  charge  the  enemy's  lines. 
Our  skirmish  line  was  now  called  in;  we 
formed  in  line  of  battle,  and  marched  through  the 
woods  as  rapidly  as  the  nature  of  the  ground 
would  permit.  We  had  soon  come  to  its  edge, 
and  found  before  us  an  open  field  about  a  hundred 
and  twenty-five  yards  across,  separated  from  us 
by  a  rail  fence.  Immediately  beyond  the  field, 
rose  the  thickly-timbered  slope  of  the  mountain; 
and  there  too,  stationed  directly  in  our  front,  was 


33 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

a  battery  of  artillery.     Of  infantry,  there  were 
none  to  be  seen. 

We  hurried  forward,  pushed  down  the  fence, 
and  without  stopping  to  reform  our  line  started  on 
a  run  for  that  battery.  I  noticed  as  we  went,  that 
Crawford's  Brigade  had  not  yet  arrived,  and  that 
we  were  alone  in  the  field.  Suddenly,  from  the 
side  of  the  slope  and  from  the  bushes  and  rocks  on 
our  front,  arose  the  Confederate  infantry,  and 
poured  into  our  ranks  the  most  destructive  musketry 
fire  that  I  have  ever  experienced.  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Crane  was  killed,  and  fell  from  his  horse 
at  the  first  volley.  Major  Scott  was  wounded, 
being  carried  off  by  his  horse.  Captain  Hawley, 
of  the  company  on  our  right,  was  wounded,  and  a 
third  of  his  men  were  killed  or  wounded  at  the 
same  time.  The  right  began  to  fall  back,  some  of 
the  men  helping  off  wounded  comrades,  others 
loading  and  firing  at  the  enemy  as  they  slowly  re 
treated  to  the  woods.  On  the  left,  all  three  of  my 
companies  were  standing  up  to  their  work  without 
flinching.  My  Company,  though  suffering  se 
verely,  were  fighting  like  veterans.  We  did  not 
seem  to  be  gaining  any  advantage,  however,  and 

[34] 


CEDAR  MOUNTAIN 

shortly  the  order  came  to  fall  back  to  the  woods. 
My  Company,  and  that  of  Captain  O'Brien  on  the 
left,  were  the  last  to  leave  the  field. 

Under  the  shelter  of  the  woods  we  reformed  our 
companies.  I  still  had  about  twenty-five  men, 
Captain  O'Brien  about  as  many  more,  and  a  num 
ber  of  men  from  Company  F  had  joined  me  on  the 
right.  We  at  once  returned  to  the  edge  of  the 
woods,  the  Colonel  leading  back  the  two  left  com 
panies,  and  opened  fire  on  the  enemy,  who  was 
preparing  to  cross  the  open  field.  We  soon  were 
sent  to  the  right,  however,  in  order  to  make  room 
for  the  Tenth  Maine,  and  saw  no  more  active 
fighting  for  that  day.  At  twilight,  when  we  were 
threatened  upon  our  right  flank,  we  returned  across 
Cedar  Run  to  the  ground  from  which  we  had 
started. 

Of  the  8,000  men  that  were  engaged  in  this 
battle,  we  lost  about  2,000  in  killed  and  wounded. 

The  loss  in  our  Regiment  was  1 1 7,  mostly  from 
the  six  companies  that  started  in  the  charge  on  the 
battery.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Crane  was  killed, 
and  Captain  O'Brien  mortally  wounded.  O'Brien 
had  at  the  first  charge  been  severely  wounded  in 

[35] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

the  thigh.  When  we  retreated  to  the  woods,  he 
had  showed  me  that  his  shoe  was  full  of  blood. 
He  had,  however,  returned  to  the  fight  after  bind 
ing  up  his  wound  with  his  handkerchief,  and  had 
been  killed  at  the  edge  of  the  woods.  My  Com 
pany  had,  out  of  forty-five  men  engaged,  lost  two 
killed  and  fourteen  wounded.  Of  these  all  but 
two  of  the  wounded  had  been  struck  in  the  field 
where  we  first  drew  the  enemy's  fire,  and  in  a 
space  of  time  which  I  am  confident  did  not  exceed 
three  minutes. 

As  some  30,000  or  40,000  troops  were  in  the 
vicinity,  who  had  not  fired  a  shot,  I  supposed  that 
the  battle  would  be  renewed  in  the  morning;  but  it 
was  not.  The  corps  of  General  Sigel  and  Mc 
Dowell  were  moved  to  the  front,  but  occupied 
themselves  only  with  gathering  up  the  wounded. 
On  the  1 1  th  the  enemy  sent  in  a  flag  of  truce, 
asking  for  an  armistice  to  bury  the  dead.  This 
was  readily  granted,  for  we  also  had  still  on  the 
battle-field  many  dead  and  severely  wounded.  On 
the  1 2th  it  was  found  that  the  Confederates  had 
taken  advantage  of  the  truce  to  retreat  during  the 
night.  Indeed,  they  retired  in  such  haste  that  they 

[36] 


CEDAR  MOUNTAIN 

left  large  numbers  of  their  wounded  in  our  hands. 
General  Sigel  pursued  them  to  the  Rapidan, 
while  our  Corps  returned  to  Culpeper  for  a  much- 
needed  rest. 

A  great  deal  of  criticism  has  been  heaped  upon 
all  those  who  were  prominently  connected  with 
this  battle.  Banks  has  been  assailed  for  fighting 
the  battle  at  all.  It  has  seemed  to  many,  an  inex 
cusable  piece  of  folly  that  he  should  have  ordered 
the  attack  in  such  apparent  ignorance  of  the  posi 
tion  and  strength  of  the  enemy,  and  so  near  sun 
down  that  even  if  he  had  been  successful,  he  could 
not  have  reaped  any  advantage.  I  have,  how 
ever,  doubted  whether  he  ever  made  the  order;  but 
when  once  it  had  been  made,  he  was  obliged  to 
put  in  his  whole  command  or  abandon  everything 
that  had  been  gained.  Captain  Wilkins  who 
brought  the  order  for  our  charge,  later  wandered 
into  the  Confederate  lines  while  carrying  orders, 
and  I  never  heard  of  him  again. 

Pope  has  been  criticized  for  not  seeing  that 
Banks  was  properly  supported;  but  all  the  evi 
dence  obtainable  shows  that  Pope  did  not  wish  or 
expect  to  fight  a  battle  at  th**  time.  McDowell 

[37] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

has  been  criticized  with  particular  bitterness  for  not 
going  to  the  aid  of  Banks,  and  charges  of  treachery 
were  freely  made  against  him.  It  was  quite  gen 
erally  believed,  even  in  his  own  command,  that 
McDowell  had  no  heart  in  the  cause;  and  this 
belief — which  later  gained  public  expression  in 
the  dying  statement  of  Colonel  Brodhead  of  the 
First  Michigan  Cavalry,  that  he  "died  a  victim  to 
the  incompetency  of  Pope  and  the  treachery  of 
McDowell" — caused  his  retirement  as  a  corps 
commander. 

The  Army    retreats  Northward 

We  remained  at  Culpeper  until  August  18, 
when  we  were  aroused  at  midnight  and  started 
on  the  road  to  the  Rappahannock.  We  crossed 
over  on  the  next  day  and  went  into  camp  about 
half  a  mile  from  the  river.  During  all  that  day 
and  night  the  army  of  General  Pope  was  streaming 
across  the  Rappahannock  to  the  north  side,  only  a 
portion  of  his  cavalry  still  remaining  to  the  south. 
There  was  a  great  deal  of  speculation  among  the 
men  as  to  the  reason  for  this  unexpected  retrogade 
movement.  It  was  rumored  that  General  Mc- 

[38] 


RETREATING  NORTHWARD 

Clellan  had  been  compelled  to  withdraw  his  army 
from  the  Peninsula,  and  that  General  Lee,  re 
leased  from  the  defence  of  Richmond,  was  march 
ing  our  way.  For  once,  rumor  was  correct.  It 
was  not  many  days  before  the  whole  of  Lee's  army 
was  hunting  to  find  an  unguarded  point  at  which 
to  cross  the  river. 

About  noon  on  the  day  after  our  crossing,  I  was 
watching  the  movements  of  some  of  our  cavalry 
who  still  remained  on  the  other  side  of  the  river. 
I  was  standing  on  the  top  of  one  of  the  highest 
knolls  in  the  vicinity,  from  which  I  had  a  splendid 
view  of  the  country  for  a  long  distance  southward. 
For  nearly  two  miles  the  land  was  clear  of  timber 
or  fences  or  any  obstacle  which  could  impede  the 
movements  of  cavalry.  Observing  that  our  cav 
alry  seemed  to  be  coming  back  at  rather  a  livelier 
pace  than  usual,  I  noticed  what  appeared  to  be 
either  a  large  regiment  or  a  small  brigade  of  Con 
federate  cavalry  emerge  from  the  woods  to  the 
south  of  the  plain.  They  formed  their  lines  and 
moved  to  the  attack. 

Our  men,  also,  were  soon  in  motion.  As  they 
approached  each  other  the  two  bodies  increased 

[39] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

their  pace,  until  both  seemed  to  be  moving  at  full 
speed.  They  met  with  a  jar,  and  for  some  moments 
it  was  impossible  to  distinguish  friend  from  foe. 
There  could  only  be  distinctly  seen  the  flashing  of 
sabres  in  the  sunlight  as  blows  were  struck  and 
parried,  and  the  puffs  of  smoke  from  revolvers  and 
carbines.  For  ten  minutes  or  more  the  stirring 
fight  went  on  without  any  apparent  advantage  to 
either  side.  But  now  another  regiment  of  our 
cavalry,  which  had  been  out  of  sight  up  the  river 
at  the  beginning  of  the  fight,  came  down  upon  the 
Confederates  at  a  hard  gallop.  It  was  but  a 
minute  before  the  latter  were  retreating  back  to  the 
timber,  perhaps  hurried  a  little  by  a  few  shells 
from  one  of  our  shore  batteries.  A  little  later,  I 
learned  that  our  cavalry  had  taken  about  sixty 
prisoners. 

On  the  night  of  August  22  the  enemy  were  ex 
pected  to  make  an  attempt  to  cross  the  Rappahan- 
nock  at  Beverly  Ford,  where  I  was  stationed  on 
picket  duty.  During  the  night,  however,  the  river 
rose  almost  ten  feet  as  the  result  of  heavy  rains  in 
the  mountains.  By  morning,  it  was  so  raging  a  tor 
rent  that  crossing  was  impossible.  As  soon  as  it  was 

[40] 


RETREATING  NORTHWARD 

light,  the  enemy  opened  fire  on  us  with  fourteen 
pieces  of  artillery.  I  had  already  withdrawn  my 
men  from  the  river  bank  and  stationed  them  where 
they  could  pour  a  heavy  fire  upon  the  Confed 
erates,  should  they  attempt  to  lay  a  bridge.  I  was 
therefore  in  a  good  position  to  watch  at  leisure  the 
artillery  duel  which  ensued.  For  two  hours  the 
shot  flew  back  and  forth  across  the  stream,  with 
out,  however,  great  damage  to  our  side.  At  the 
end  of  that  time  the  Confederates  apparently  had 
had  enough  and  withdrew  from  their  position. 

The  succeeding  days  were  passed  in  hard 
marching,  with  hot  weather,  no  tents  or  blankets, 
short  rations,  and  a  poor  country  to  forage  in.  The 
enemy  occasionally  made  demonstration  as  though 
to  cross  at  the  fords  of  the  Rappahannock,  but  all 
the  while  moving  up  toward  the  mountains.  On 
the  evening  of  August  27,  while  we  were  in  camp 
near  Warrenton  Junction,  rumors  began  to  circu 
late  that  they  had  appeared  in  large  force  at 
Manassas  Junction,  and  were  threatening  to  cut 
off  our  retreat  to  Washington.  The  next  morning 
we  were  called  out  at  three  o'clock,  and  soon  after 
were  on  the  road  to  the  Junction.  The  corps  of 

[41] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

Generals  Heintzelman  and  Fitz-John  Porter, 
which  had  been  marching  toward  Warrenton,  had 
also  been  turned  back  and  were  directly  in  our  ad 
vance.  We  marched  rapidly  to  Kettle  River,  a 
small  stream  about  five  miles  from  the  Junction, 
where  we  were  detailed  to  guard  a  train  of  ninety 
cars  loaded  with  ammunition  and  provisions  for  our 
army.  Here  we  learned  that  the  enemy  had  on 
the  previous  day  captured  and  destroyed  at  the 
Junction  over  a  hundred  and  fifty  cars  loaded  with 
supplies,  but  had  in  the  morning  encountered 
Hooker's  advance  division  near  Kettle  Run,  and 
had  been  driven  with  considerable  loss  beyond  the 
Junction.  We  found  on  our  arrival  at  Kettle 
Run,  tangible  evidence  of  the  morning's  fight,  for 
a  good  many  of  the  dead  were  still  lying  around. 
Cannonading  commenced  early  on  the  morning 
after  our  arrival,  in  the  direction  of  Manassas,  and 
continued  all  day.  It  was  evident  that  a  severe  bat 
tle  was  in  progress.  Reports  of  our  successes  were 
continually  coming  in;  we  appeared  to  be  driving 
the  enemy  at  all  points.  It  was  said  that  the  Con 
federates  were  surrounded  on  three  sides,  and 
hopes  were  strong  that  they  would  be  captured  be- 

[42] 


MANASSAS 

fore  the  main  body  of  their  army  came  up.  The 
next  morning,  the  battle  was  still  in  progress  al 
though  it  seemed  to  be  farther  away  than  it  had 
been  before.  The  most  encouraging  reports  contin 
ued  to  reach  us,  and  at  night  General  Pope  was 
credited  with  having  said  that  our  troops  had  won 
a  complete  victory. 

While  the  battle  was  in  progress,  we  had  been 
occupied  in  rebuilding  the  bridge  across  Kettle 
Run,  which  the  enemy  had  destroyed  on  the  first 
day  of  their  raid.  We  had  it  completed,  and  our 
train  of  cars  moved  across  to  Bristoe  Station  by  the 
morning  of  the  second  day  of  the  battle.  We 
bivouacked  that  night  north  of  Broad  Run,  happy 
in  the  thought  that  our  troops  had  indeed  van 
quished  the  foe. 

The  next  morning  we  were  ordered  to  return  to 
Bristoe.  As  we  approached  the  station,  dense 
clouds  of  smoke  were  rolling  upwards  from  the 
place  where  we  had  left  our  cars.  This  gave  us 
notice  that  the  reports  of  victory  had  been  false. 
The  fact  was,  that  the  left  wing  of  Pope's  army 
had  been  driven  back  the  night  before,  and  it  had 
been  necessary  to  burn  the  cars  in  order  to  prevent 

[43] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

their  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  It  had 
been  possible  to  save  only  the  supplies  with  which 
they  were  loaded.  Our  Corps,  moreover,  having 
received  no  notice  of  the  reverse,  was  now  in  grave 
danger  of  being  cut  off  from  the  remainder  of  the 
army.  We  managed,  however,  by  rapid  march 
ing  over  a  circuitous  route  to  reach  the  north  side  of 
Bull  Run  in  safety. 

The  next  day  we  marched  to  a  short  distance 
beyond  Centerville.  Here  we  were  halted,  and 
stood  in  the  road  on  our  arms  during  a  driving  rain, 
while  the  battle  of  Chantilly  was  being  fought 
only  a  short  distance  to  the  north.  We  remained 
standing  in  the  road — or  at  least  were  supposed  to 
be  standing — all  that  night,  the  rain  pouring  down 
in  torrents  most  of  the  time.  After  darkness  had 
set  in,  however,  the  men  quietly  began  to  disap 
pear  into  the  neighboring  woods,  and  soon  I  alone 
of  all  my  Company  was  actually  standing  in  the 
road.  I  was  not  greatly  troubled  over  the  breach 
of  orders,  for  I  knew  that  at  the  first  intimation  of 
danger  every  man  would  be  in  his  place.  I  too 
found  for  myself  as  dry  a  place  as  possible,  and 
wrapping  my  rubber  coat  about  me,  tried  to  secure 

[44] 


CHANTILLY 

a  snatch  of  much-needed  sleep.  But  I  soon  awoke 
so  thoroughly  wet  and  cold  that  further  slumber 
was  out  of  the  question.  I  thereupon  sought  a  fire 
that  some  soldiers  had  built,  and  endeavored  to 
extract  a  bit  of  comfort  from  its  friendly  heat. 
Just  as  I  was  beginning  to  feel  its  warmth,  a  num 
ber  of  staff  officers  came  along  and  ordered  the 
blaze  extinguished,  for,  said  they,  it  was  against 
the  orders  of  General  Banks.  I  stepped  back  into 
the  darkness  so  as  not  to  be  recognized,  concluding 
that  if  General  Banks  wanted  that  fire  put  out,  he 
would  get  no  help  from  me.  The  men  standing 
near,  however,  kicked  the  burning  brands  apart  as 
though  to  put  it  out,  and  the  officers  passed  on. 
But  they  were  not  fifty  feet  away  before  the  fire 
had  been  rekindled  and  was  again  dispensing 
cheer.  This  scene  was  repeated  at  frequent  inter-* 
vals  until  daylight,  the  fire  continuing  to  burn  in 
spite  of  all  orders. 

That  morning  we  took  the  road  about  nine,  and 
marched  until  midnight.  On  the  morning  after, 
we  found  that  we  were  within  the  fortifications  of 
Alexandria.  Two  days  later  we  crossed  the 
Potomac  at  Georgetown,  and  went  into  camp  at 

[45] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

Tennalleytown,  D.  C.  Our  wagons  and  camp 
equipage  had  preceded  us.  A  mail  also  was 
awaiting  us,  the  first  that  we  had  received  since 
leaving  Culpeper  Court  House. 

We  now  had  leisure  to  reflect  upon  our  situa 
tion.  It  was  indeed  humiliating.  Here  we  were, 
after  six  months  of  campaigning,  back  again  at  the 
point  where  we  had  started.  The  Grand  Army 
of  the  Potomac  forced  to  seek  the  shelter  of  the 
fortifications  of  Washington!  The  actual  fight 
ing  had  usually  been  in  our  favor.  Why  was  it, 
then,  that  we  had  been  forced  back?  We  be 
lieved  that  the  answer  lay  entirely  in  the  fact  that 
we  had  been  outgeneralled.  We  felt  that  Pope 
and  McDowell  were  the  Jonahs  who  should  go 
overboard.  And  overboard  they  went,  not  to  be 

E  ' 

heard  of  again  during  the  war.  The  reappoint- 
ment  of  McClellan  to  command  was  everywhere 
received  with  pleasure.  So  far  as  my  acquaint 
ance  went,  the  feeling  was  unanimous  in  his  favor. 
For  several  days  we  remained  in  camp  enjoying 
the  luxury  of  tents  and  beds  after  our  strenuous 
experiences  on  the  march.  New  regiments  were 
in  the  meantime  assigned  to  the  old  brigades. 

[46] 


FORWARD 

Ours  received  the  Thirteenth  New  Jersey  and  the 
One  Hundred  Seventh  New  York,  with  a  new 
corps  commander  in  the  person  of  General  Mans 
field. 

Moving  Toward  the  Enemy 

On  September  5  it  was  definitely  rumored  in 
camp  that  the  enemy  had  crossed  into  Maryland 
by  way  of  Edward's  Ferry.  All  of  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac  were  soon  after  moving  up  the  river 
toward  Darnestown,  where  a  defensive  position 
was  taken  and  the  enemy's  movements  awaited. 
There  were  no  further  developments  until  the 
1 0th,  when  an  order  came  from  General  McClel- 
lan  to  store  in  Washington  all  of  the  officers'  bag 
gage  and  the  company  tents  and  property,  and 
turn  over  the  teams  to  be  used  in  hauling  provisions 
and  ammunition.  This  looked  more  like  business 
than  anything  we  had  yet  seen. 

The  next  morning  we  began  to  move  in  earnest, 
passing  through  Darnestown,  and  on  toward  Fred 
erick  City.  On  the  1 2th  we  made  a  long  march 
to  Ijamsville,  where  we  heard  from  one  party  of 
citizens  that  the  enemy  were  evacuating  Frederick 

[471 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

City,  and  from  another  that  they  were  preparing  to 
fight  us  at  the  crossing  of  the  Monocacy  River. 
In  the  morning,  we  were  early  on  the  road,  march 
ing  rapidly  to  the  ford  of  the  Monocacy,  and 
crossing  without  trouble.  As  we  approached 
Frederick,  we  could  hear  the  firing  of  the  advance 
of  Burnside's  Corps,  as  they  were  driving  the  rear 
guard  of  the  retreating  enemy  from  the  passes  ojf 
the  Catoctin  Mountains,  about  five  miles  west  of 
the  city.  Over  800  prisoners  were  sent  back  that 
day,  mostly  stragglers  and  deserters,  who  had 
soldiered  as  long  as  they  wished. 

That  night  we  camped  near  Frederick  City,  a 
large  portion  of  our  Regiment  taking  advantage  of 
the  opportunity  to  visit  old  friends  and  acquaint 
ances  in  that  place.  We  had  been  there  so  long 
during  the  past  year  that  it  seemed  to  us  almost 
like  home.  The  Confederates  had  been  in  pos 
session  for  nearly  a  week,  and  many  stories  were 
told  of  the  good  people  who  had  displayed  their 
loyalty  under  adverse  circumstances.  The  real 
heroine  of  the  town  was  old  Barbara  Fritchie,  who 
had  kept  a  Union  flag  waving  from  her  window 
during  all  the  time  of  the  Confederate  occupation. 

[48] 


SOUTH  MOUNTAIN 

Her  name  has  been  immortalized  by  Whittier.  I 
know  that  in  recent  years  it  has  been  said  that  no 
such  person  ever  lived,  and  that  the  flag  was  not 
displayed.  But  I  heard  the  story  told  within 
twenty- four  hours  after  the  Confederate  army  had 
left  Frederick,  from  persons  who  knew  the  circum 
stances,  and  I  am  going  to  believe  it  until  there  is 
more  positive  proof  than  I  have  yet  seen,  that  it  is 
not  true. 

Battle  of  South  Mountain 

We  were  ready  to  march  by  four  o'clock  on  the 
morning  of  the  1 4th.  But  we  might  as  well  have 
stayed  in  camp  until  seven.  The  road  west  from 
Frederick  was  a  fine,  broad  turnpike,  wide  enough 
for  two  or  three  wagons  abreast,  but  it  was  now 
completely  choked  with  the  ammunition  and  pro 
vision  wagons  of  the  troops  in  advance.  Even 
after  we  did  finally  get  started,  and  were  clear  of 
the  town,  we  had  to  march  through  the  fields  and 
woods  on  either  side  of  the  road. 

When  we  reached  the  top  of  the  Catoctin  Moun 
tains,  we  could  hear  the  sound  of  artillery  and 
musketry  fire  on  the  next  mountain  ridge  beyond. 
4  [49] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

Occasionally  we  could  even  catch  a  glimpse  of  the 
lines  of  our  troops  as  they  moved  up  the  slopes  to 
assault  the  position  of  the  enemy.  We  were  now 
rapidly  marched  down  the  mountain  and  turned 
off  by  a  circuitous  route  to  the  right,  in  order  to 
strike  the  enemy  on  the  left  flank.  Before  we 
could  reach  their  position,  however,  it  had  already 
been  carried  by  assault,  and  the  enemy  had  taken 
advantage  of  the  darkness  to  make  good  their  re 
treat.  Such  was  the  battle  of  South  Mountain. 

We  now  countermarched  to  the  turnpike  near 
Middletown,  where  we  went  into  camp  at  one 
o'clock  in  the  morning.  We  had  been  on  the  road 
for  twenty-two  consecutive  hours,  most  of  the  time 
climbing  over  rocks  and  through  brush  on  the 
mountain  side.  Again  we  were  on  the  march,  at 
eight  o'clock  the  next  morning,  crossing  South 
Mountain  as  we  had  crossed  the  Catoctin  Moun 
tains,  with  the  wagon  train  occupying  the  road  and 
the  troops  in  the  woods  along  the  side.  We  passed 
through  Boonsborough  in  the  afternoon,  and  by 
night  had  reached  nearly  to  Keedysville. 

The  road  was  strewn  with  the  muskets  and 
other  accoutrements  of  the  enemy  fleeing  from 

[50] 


ANTIETAM 

South  Mountain,  together  with  a  great  deal  of 
plunder  that  they  had  gathered  in  Maryland. 
There  was  every  indication  that  they  had  retreated 
in  a  state  of  demoralization.  The  houses  in  Boons- 
borough  and  the  vicinity  were  filled  with  their 
wounded,  and  we  were  constantly  meeting  squads 
of  from  twenty  to  one  hundred  prisoners  who  were 
being  sent  back  from  the  front.  Occasional  artil 
lery  firing  in  the  front  seemed  to  indicate  that  we 
were  being  waited  for  not  far  ahead. 

Battle  of  Antietam 

On  the  morning  of  the  1 6th  we  moved  forward 
to  a  position  behind  a  range  of  low  hills  near  An 
tietam  Creek,  and  there  we  remained  until  night, 
undisturbed  save  by  occasional  shots  from  the 
enemy's  batteries,  posted  in  the  hills  on  the  op 
posite  side  of  the  creek.  The  remainder  of  our 
army  kept  coming  up  all  day,  taking  position  as 
they  arrived,  until  at  night  it  was  understood  that 
they  were  all  at  hand  with  the  exception  of  Frank 
lin's  Corps,  which  had  gone  to  the  relief  of  Har 
pers  Ferry.  At  about  nine  o'clock  we  were 
called  up  and  moved  across  Antietam  Creek,  close 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

to  the  enemy's  lines,  where  we  lay  down  to  secure 
such  rest  as  we  might  in  preparation  for  the  next: 
day's  fight.  General  Hooker's  Corps  lay  in  posi 
tion,  just  in  front  of  us. 

It  was  reported  that  night  that  Harpers  Ferry 
had  been  surrendered  by  Colonel  Miles  without  a 
struggle,  and  when  the  relieving  force  of  General 
Franklin  was  within  three  miles.  It  was  rumored 
also  that  Miles  had  been  shot  by  the  men  of  his 
own  command  when  they  learned  that  they  had 
been  surrendered. 

We  were  awakened  soon  after  daylight  by  the 
sound  of  heavy  cannonading  in  the  front.  It  had 
been  raining  during  the  night,  but  now  the  sky 
was  clear  and  the  sun  shining.  The  men  hurried 
into  the  ranks,  and  the  Corps  formed  in  close  col 
umn  by  companies.  We  moved  a  short  distance  to 
the  right,  then  sat  down  to  await  developments. 
As  battery  after  battery  came  into  action,  the  artil 
lery  firing  continually  increased  in  rapidity,  until 
for  a  few  minutes  the  roar  would  be  continuous. 
Then  there  would  be  a  lull,  and  the  sharp  crack 
of  the  musketry  would  be  heard,  as  the  skirmishers 
pushed  forward  through  the  timber.  Now  the 


ANTIETAM 

scattering  musketry  fire  increased  into  crashing  vol 
leys;  as  more  and  more  troops  became  engaged, 
the  volleys  developed  into  one  continuous  roar,  like 
the  roll  of  distant  thunder. 

Within  a  few  minutes  we  became  aware  by 
sight,  as  well  as  by  sound,  that  a  bloody  battle  was 
in  progress ;  a  constant  stream  of  wounded  men  was 
coming  back  to  the  field  hospital  in  the  rear. 
Many  were  but  slightly  wounded  and  still  clung  to 
their  muskets  as  they  hurried  back  to  have  their 
wounds  dressed.  They  would  stop  on  their  way, 
for  a  moment,  hastily  to  tell  how  they  were  "driv 
ing  the  Johnnies"  in  the  front.  Others,  more  seri 
ously  hurt,  were  being  helped  along  by  comrades; 
while  others,  still  more  unfortunate,  lay  silent  on 
stretchers  as  they  were  borne  back  by  ambulance 
men  and  musicians.  Soon,  a  number  of  ammuni 
tion  wagons  which  had  ventured  too  close  to  the 
front,  came  dashing  by  us  to  seek  shelter  behind  a 
neighboring  hill.  They  were  followed  shortly 
after  by  a  dismounted  cannon  being  dragged  back 
for  repairs.  Now  came  a  temporary  lull  in  the 
musketry.  The  thunder  of  the  artillery  increased 
as  if  in  compensation;  but  rising  above  all  came 

[53] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

the  cheers  of  our  comrades  in  the  front,  announcing 
that  the  opening  engagement  had  ended  in  victory. 

The  pause  in  the  musketry  was  of  short  dura 
tion.  The  enemy,  largely  reenforced,  soon  at 
tacked  in  their  turn,  making  desperate  efforts  to  re 
gain  the  ground  that  they  had  lost.  Upon  our 
side,  more  troops  to  the  right  and  left  came  into 
action,  and  the  battle  was  soon  raging  again  with 
redoubled  fury.  The  enemy  in  our  immediate 
front  seemed  to  have  largely  increased  their  artil 
lery,  and  scattering  shot  and  shell  were  dropping 
around  us. 

At  length  our  First  Brigade  was  sent  into  action. 
We  soon  followed,  at  double-quick,  in  close  col 
umn  by  companies.  Passing  rapidly  through  the 
woods,  we  emerged  upon  the  field  a  little  north 
east  of  the  old  Dunkard  church,  and  our  Regiment 
deployed  in  line.  The  manoeuvre  was  executed 
as  though  we  had  been  on  a  parade  ground  instead 
of  a  battle-field.  I  have  seldom  seen  it  better  done. 

Immediately  on  our  right  and  about  one  hun 
dred  yards  to  the  front,  was  posted  one  of  our  bat 
teries  of  twelve-pound  brass  guns.  It  had  evi 
dently  been  in  action  for  some  time.  All  of  its 

[54] 


ANTIETAM 

horses  were  killed  or  crippled,  and  the  gunners 
were  just  falling  back  before  the  advancing  Con 
federate  line  of  battle.  To  the  left  of  the  battery, 
and  stretching  off  to  the  woods  directly  in  our 
front,  stood  the  remnants  of  a  brigade,  still  stub 
bornly  contesting  the  advance  of  the  enemy's  in 
fantry.  Our  Regiment  moved  forward  to  the  bat 
tery,  the  artillerymen  at  the  same  time  returning  to 
their  guns.  The  Second  Massachusetts  took 
position  to  the  right ;  the  Twenty-Seventh  Indiana 
came  up  on  the  left. 

The  Confederate  infantry  moved  steadily 
across  the  corn-field,  while  the  decimated  brigade 
in  its  path  fell  back,  step  by  step.  We  were 
obliged  to  wait  before  commencing  fire,  until  they 
could  be  moved  out  of  the  way.  Then  we  opened 
fire  from  one  end  of  the  line  to  the  other.  The 
enemy  were  handicapped  by  the  fact  that  they 
were  moving  diagonally  across  our  front,  instead 
of  directly  toward  us,  and  our  fire  was  terribly 
severe,  so  it  was  not  long  before  they  broke  and 
ran  back  to  the  woods.  Immediately,  however, 
another  line  was  coming  up,  this  time  confronting 


[55 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

us  squarely.  And  now  commenced  the  work  in 
earnest. 

Our  position  was  in  a  stubble-field.  The  ground 
in  front  of  us  sloped  gently  downward,  so  that  we 
were  fifteen  or  twenty  feet  higher  than  the  enemy. 
About  a  hundred  yards  in  our  front  was  a  rail 
fence,  beyond  which  lay  another  open  field.  The 
previous  day,  that  field  had  contained  a  luxuriant 
growth  of  ripening  corn ;  now  it  was  cut  by  bullets 
and  trampled  by  men  and  horses,  until  scarce  a 
vestige  of  the  crop  remained. 

For  a  time,  the  enemy  came  on  rapidly,  without 
firing  a  shot.  Their  right,  like  our  left,  was  "in 
the  air"  and  about  even  with  us.  They  were  as 
gallant  fellows  as  ever  moved  to  an  assault.  One 
could  but  admire  the  steady  courage  with  which 
they  approached  us;  great  gaps  being  made  in 
their  lines  at  every  discharge  of  our  grape-  and 
canister-laden  twelve-pounders,  and  our  bullets 
also  wore  them  away  at  every  step.  A  portion  of 
these  stern  fighters  reached  the  fence;  none  came 
farther.  They  there  stopped  and  opened  fire  on 
our  lines.  From  our  higher  ground  we  could  see 
the  steady  stream  of  their  wounded  being  helped 

[56] 


ANTIETAM 

to  the  rear.  Still  they  held  on,  returning  fire  for 
fire;  and  we  too  were  suffering  terribly.  At 
length  the  Confederates  had  been  reduced  to  a 
mere  handful;  it  was  hopeless  to  hold  on  any 
longer,  and  they  fell  back  toward  the  woods.  But 
before  they  had  reached  there,  another  of  their 
brigades  was  coming  up  behind  them.  The  new 
comers,  however,  halted  and  opened  fire  at  nearly 
double  the  distance  that  their  predecessors 
had  taken.  Soon  they  also  began  to  waver,  then 
suddenly  broke,  and  joined  their  comrades  in  the 
flight  to  the  woods. 

As  they  all  disappeared  toward  the  timber, 
General  Hooker  rode  up  and  ordered  us  to  fix 
bayonets  and  pursue.  With  a  whoop  and  hurrah 
our  Regiment  and  the  Twenty-Seventh  Indiana 
started  down  through  the  corn-field,  General 
Hooker  himself  leading  like  a  captain.  It  was 
such  traits  as  this  that  made  him  popular,  even 
with  those  who  did  not  think  him  fit  for  high  com 
mand.  We  had  passed  fairly  into  the  corn-field, 
which  was  literally  strewn  with  the  dead  bodies 
of  Confederates,  when  a  staff  officer  rode  up,  and 
ordered  us  to  get  out  of  the  way,  for  General  Sum- 

[57] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

ner  wished  to  put  in  a  division  at  that  point.  This 
was  all  that  prevented  us  from  assaulting  a  position 
with  about  a  hundred  and  fifty  men,  which  a  few 
minutes  later  Sedgwick's  Division,  with  five  or 
six  thousand,  failed  to  carry. 

We  moved  back  out  of  the  corn-field  to  our 
old  position,  and  immediately  after  Sedgwick's 
Division  came  in  from  the  northeast.  As  they 
moved  forward  in  perfect  line  to  the  attack,  they 
presented  a  splendid  sight,  even  to  old  soldiers, 
and  we  had  little  doubt  that  they  would  sweep 
everything  before  them.  They  marched  in  three 
parallel  lines,  one  behind  the  other,  and  about 
seventy-five  yards  apart.  The  brigade  and  field 
officers,  aware  of  the  peculiar  danger  of  being  on 
horseback  in  such  a  place,  all  marched  with  their 
men  on  foot.  The  only  mounted  officer  in  the  en 
tire  division  was  old  General  Sumner  himself, 
who  rode  a  little  in  the  rear  of  his  first  line.  He 
was  then  nearly  seventy  years  of  age,  perfectly 
grey  but  still  proudly  erect.  As  he  stretched  his 
tall  form  to  its  full  height  on  his  horse,  in  order  to 
see  what  might  be  in  front  of  his  men,  he  was  the 
most  conspicuous  object  on  the  field,  and  undoubt- 

[58] 


ANTIETAM 

edly  was  the  target  for  every  Confederate  sharp 
shooter  in  sight. 

No  resistance  of  consequence  was  met  until  the 
advance  brigade  was  out  of  sight  in  the  woods,  and 
the  Second  Brigade  was  just  at  the  edge.  Then 
a  heavy  musketry  fire  showed  that  the  enemy  had 
reformed  their  lines  and  were  making  a  stubborn 
fight.  Their  artillery  also  now  opened  fire,  and 
shells  and  round  shot  began  to  fall  in  our  neigh 
borhood.  It  soon  became  evident  to  us,  who  were 
spectators  of  the  fight,  that  General  Sumner's  for 
mation  had  been  a  serious  mistake.  His  second 
and  third  brigades  were  exposed  to  a  heavy  fire 
from  the  enemy,  yet  they  could  not  reply  on  ac 
count  of  the  line  in  front  of  them.  They  soon 
broke  up  in  confusion,  therefore,,  and  fell  back  out 
of  range.  The  leading  brigade  held  on  for  over 
half  an  hour,  to  the  position  that  it  had  gained  in 
the  woods,  when  it  also  fell  back,  with  but  a 
small  portion  of  the  magnificent  line  which  a  short 
time  before  had  so  gallantly  gone  forward  to  the 
attack. 

The  remnant  of  our  Regiment,  together  with 
portions  of  several  other  like  commands,  were  now 

[59] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

stationed  at  the  edge  of  the  woods  behind  a  bat 
tery  of  artillery.  There  was  little  more  active 
fighting,  however,  in  that  part  of  the  field  during 
the  remainder  of  the  day.  At  one  time  the  enemy 
made  an  attempt  to  recover  the  lost  ground  in  the 
corn-field,  but  the  batteries  easily  drove  them  back 
to  the  woods.  Soon  after  twelve  o'clock  we  were 
relieved  by  fresh  troops  and  moved  a  short  distance 
to  the  rear.  With  the  friendly  aid  of  a  rail  fence 
we  now  built  a  fire,  and  prepared  our  dinner  of 
hardtack  and  coffee,  and  remained  quiet  for  the 
rest  of  the  day.  To  the  left  the  firing  continued 
until  late  in  the  afternoon. 

Many  of  our  gallant  boys  laid  down  their  lives 
that  bloody  day  on  the  battle-field  of  Antietam. 
In  the  morning,  our  Regiment  had  taken  into  the 
fight  twelve  officers  and  not  quite  300  enlisted 
men.  The  number  was  thus  small  because  our 
wounded  from  Cedar  Mountain  had  not  yet  re 
joined  us,  and  hard  marching  had  sent  others  to 
the  hospital.  Of  the  twelve  officers,  we  lost  one 
killed  and  seven  severely  wounded.  The  Colonel 
had  been  hit  in  the  head  by  a  bullet,  which  had 
cut  just  deep  enough  to  draw  blood ;  while  I  had 

[60] 


ANTIETAM 

received  a  severe  bruise  from  a  spent  ball.  Of 
our  300  privates,  we  lost  194  in  killed  and 
wounded.  The  Twenty-Seventh  Indiana  on  our 
left,  had  lost  about  half  of  its  men;  the  Second 
Massachusetts  on  the  right,  had  suffered  in  about 
the  same  proportion. 

In  my  Company,  of  the  thirty  men  whom  I  took 
into  the  field,  two  had  been  killed,  two  mortally 
wounded,  and  sixteen  so  severely  hurt,  that  they 
were  ordered  to  the  hospital.  Of  all  that  Com 
pany,  only  one  had  escaped  without  the  mark  of 
a  bullet  upon  his  person  or  his  clothes.  Every  one 
of  our  color-guard,  composed  of  a  corporal  from 
each  company,  had  been  shot  down  before  the 
battle  was  over.  As  its  bearers  fell,  the  flag  had 
been  passed  along  the  line  until  it  had  come  into 
the  hands  of  one  of  my  privates,  Joseph  Collins, 
who  carried  it  the  remainder  of  the  day.  The 
color-bearers  of  the  enemy  had  been  even  more  un 
fortunate.  On  our  charge  into  the  corn-field,  our 
men  picked  up  several  of  their  banners  that  had 
fallen  with  their  bearers. 

When  night  at  length  put  a  merciful  end  to  the 

battle,  all  along  the  line,  both  thoroughly- worn- 

[61] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

out  armies  were,  I  am  sure,  glad  for  the  chance  to 
rest.  I  know  that  I,  for  one,  was  completely  ex 
hausted.  The  sun  had  scarcely  set  before  I  had 
wrapped  myself  in  my  overcoat,  and  with  my  hav 
ersack  for  a  pillow,  was  sound  asleep,  quite  ob 
livious  of  the  fact  that  the  field  of  the  dead  was 
only  a  few  steps  away.  In  the  morning  we  were 
early  astir  expecting  a  renewal  of  the  fight.  Our 
men  threw  away  all  of  their  old  muskets,  and 
armed  themselves  with  the  new  Springfield  rifles  of 
the  improved  pattern,  picked  up  on  the  battle-field. 
Ammunition  and  rations  were  issued,  and  every 
preparation  made  to  receive  the  enemy.  All  was 
quiet,  however,  and  so  remained  for  the  rest  of  the 
day.  At  about  noon,  General  Franklin's  Corps 
came  up  from  Harpers  Ferry  and  took  position  on 
our  right. 

During  that  afternoon  I  went  over  the  corn-field 
that  had  been  the  scene  of  the  hardest  fighting 
the  previous  day.  It  was  a  sight  which  once  seen 
could  never  be  forgotten.  The  dead  lay  as  they 
had  fallen,  and  in  such  dreadful  numbers!  Sev 
eral  times  had  the  ground  been  fought  over;  the 

bodies  of  brave  men  were  so  thickly  strewn  over  it, 

[62] 


WINTERING 

that  one  might  for  rods  have  walked  on  corpses 
without  touching  the  ground. 

When  we  advanced  our  lines,  the  morning  of 
the  1 9th,  the  enemy  had  disappeared.  Only  his 
picket  line  still  remained,  and  that  surrendered 
without  resistance.  These  prisoners  appeared  to 
be  dazed  with  discouragement;  many  of  them 
seemed  glad  to  have  been  taken.  Like  the  thou 
sands  whom  we  had  captured  during  the  heat  of 
the  battle,  they  were  destitute  of  clothing,  and  their 
haversacks  contained  nothing  but  raw  corn. 

In  Winter  Quarters 

So  far  as  we  were  concerned,  the  battle  of  An- 
tietam  ended  active  campaigning  for  the  winter  of 
1862.  During  the  next  two  months  we  moved 
about  between  Harpers  Ferry  and  the  mouth  of 
Antietam  Creek,  doing  occasional  guard  duty,  and 
for  the  most  part  passing  the  time  uneventfully. 
On  October  1  President  Lincoln  visited  our  camp 
at  Maryland  Heights.  It  seemed  to  me  that  he 
did  full  justice  to  his  reputation  for  homeliness. 
He  came  entirely  unannounced,  but  we  hurriedly 
turned  out  the  Regiment  and  presented  arms.  For 

[63] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

a  time,  on  account  of  their  greenness,  the  new  regi 
ments  in  camp  furnished  a  source  of  amusement. 
Most  of  them  had  received  large  bounties  on  en 
listment,  and  the  old  soldiers  taunted  them  as 
bounty-bought;  they  were  told  that  the  Govern 
ment  could  have  secured  mules  much  cheaper. 

On  November  1 3  came  my  commission  as  First 
Lieutenant  of  Company  E.  This  did  not  ma 
terially  change  my  position,  for  I  had  been  in  com 
mand  of  a  company  ever  since  the  battle  of  An- 
tietam.  On  November  17  we  went  into  winter 
camp  at  Fairfax  Station,  but  sometime  in  January 
removed  to  Stafford  Court  House.  In  the  mean 
time  McClellan  had  been  finally  removed  from 
the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac;  and 
Burnside,  who  had  followed  him,  had  in  his  turn, 
been  relieved  after  the  battle  of  Fredericksburg, 
by  General  Joe  Hooker. 

Hooker  was  evidently  determined  to  build  up 
a  thoroughly  efficient  army,  and  spent  the  winter 
in  constant  efforts  toward  improving  the  condition 
and  effectiveness  of  his  troops.  Inspections  be 
came  extremely  rigid;  they  extended  not  only  to 
arms  and  equipment,  but  to  camp  and  garrison 

[64] 


VISITING  HOME 

equipage,  policing,  and  sanitation.  Regiments 
reaching  the  highest  standard  for  general  efficiency 
and  appearance  were  awarded  leaves  of  absence 
for  two  officers  at  a  time  for  fifteen  days  each,  and 
furloughs  for  two  men  at  a  time,  in  each  company, 
for  the  same  period.  Regiments  that  at  first  were 
not  up  to  standard,  were  in  the  course  of  the  winter 
given  their  furloughs  as  they  attained  efficiency. 

Our  Regiment  was  one  of  the  eleven  in  the  en 
tire  army  which,  when  the  first  inspection  was 
made,  proved  to  be  in  the  highest  degree  of  effi 
ciency.  Leaves  of  absence  and  furloughs  com 
menced  at  once,  and  before  spring  all  who  cared 
to  go  had  a  chance  to  visit  their  homes.  The  dis 
tance  to  Wisconsin  was  too  great  to  make  it  profit 
able  for  me  to  return ;  so  I  visited  a  sister  in  New 
York  State,  taking  advantage  of  this  opportunity 
to  see  the  sights  of  New  York  City  and  Wash 
ington. 

During  the  winter  the  army  was  gradually 
strengthened  by  the  return  of  convalescents. 
Thus  our  Regiment  was  able  by  spring  once  more 
to  muster  about  400  muskets.  Many  of  the  per 
manently  disabled  officers  were  transferred  to  the 
5  [65] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

invalid  corps,  and  those  who  were  sick  were  dis 
charged,  thus  giving  way  to  more  vigorous  and 
able-bodied  men.  The  army  was  now  in  the  best 
condition  that  it  had  ever  been  in,  and  we  all 
looked  forward  to  a  successful  campaign. 

Chancellor sville 

On  the  morning  of  April  27,  1 863,  we  left  our 
winter  camp  at  Stafford  Court  House  and  marched 
to  Kelly's  Ford  on  the  Rappahannock.  Pontoon 
bridges  had  been  laid  ahead  of  us,  and  the 
Eleventh  Corps  had  already  crossed.  Early  on 
the  morning  of  the  29th,  we  followed,  and  started 
at  once  for  Germanna  Ford  on  the  Rapidan,  twelve 
miles  off.  Three  corps  of  the  Army  of  the  Po 
tomac  were  engaged  in  the  expedition — the  Fifth, 
Eleventh  and  Twelfth.  Our  Corps,  the  Twelfth, 
after  crossing,  pushed  on  to  the  head  of  the  column, 
and  our  Brigade  was  given  the  position  of  honor 
in  the  advance.  We  carried  eight  days'  rations 
and  a  hundred  rounds  of  ammunition.  In  addi 
tion,  several  pack  mules  laden  with  boxes  of  cart 
ridges  followed  each  regiment,  so  that  we  felt  sure 
we  were  out  for  business.  The  men  were  in  good 

[66] 


CHANCELLORSVILLE 

spirits,  however,  and  notwithstanding  the  heavy 
loads  marched  rapidly. 

We  arrived  at  the  ford  in  about  four  hours,  with 
out  alarming  the  enemy.  A  portion  of  the  Regi 
ment  were  deployed  as  skirmishers  under  cover 
of  the  woods,  three  or  four  hundred  yards  from  the 
river  bank.  At  the  word  of  command  they  moved 
on  the  run  down  to  the  river.  Here  each  man 
hastily  found  for  himself  such  shelter  as  he  could, 
behind  trees  and  brush,  and  opened  fire  on  the 
enemy  who  were  occupying  some  buildings  on  the 
opposite  side.  As  we  approached  the  river  about 
a  dozen  Confederates  started  to  run  up  the  hill 
back  of  their  position,  in  an  attempt  to  escape. 
Our  men  were  excellent  marksmen,  however,  and 
after  two  had  been  killed  and  several  others 
wounded,  the  rest  of  the  enemy  hastened  back  to 
the  shelter  of  the  buildings.  Occasionally  some 
fellow  would  fire  at  us  from  a  window,  but  the 
puff  of  smoke  from  his  gun  would  make  him  im 
mediately  the  target  for  every  musket  within  range, 
and  that  practice  was  soon  discouraged.  In  less 
than  ten  minutes  from  the  time  when  the  skirmish 
commenced,  the  Southerners  had  hung  out  a  white 

[67] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

rag  and  surrendered.  The  swift-flowing  Rapi- 
dan,  nearly  three  hundred  feet  wide,  separated 
them  from  us,  but  we  compelled  them  to  wade 
over.  In  this  way,  without  a  casualty  to  our 
selves,  we  bagged  101  prisoners,  and  not  a  man 
escaped  to  the  enemy  to  give  warning  of  our  ap 
proach.  !  i|| 
We  had  just  secured  our  prisoners  when  Gen 
eral  Slocum  came  up.  He  immediately  took  in 
the  situation,  and  ordered  us  to  cross  the  river  and 
secure  the  heights  on  the  other  side.  We  had  had 
a  good  time  laughing  at  our  prisoners  as  we  made 
them  cross  over  to  us,  with  the  water  up  to  their 
armpits ;  but  when  we  had  to  go  in  ourselves,  it  did 
not  seem  so  funny.  It  was  still  early  in  the  spring, 
and  the  water  was  icy  cold  from  the  melting  snow 
in  the  mountains.  Moreover,  the  current  was  so 
swift  that  some  mounted  officers  and  cavalry  who 
went  in  ahead  of  us  could  scarcely  keep  a  footing. 
If  a  horse  stumbled,  he  was  washed  off  his  feet  in 
an  instant  and  carried  down  stream.  In  fact,  one 
man  was  drowned  in  such  an  accident,  and  several 
others  had  narrow  escapes.  We  prepared  for 
crossing  by  placing  our  ammunition  and  provisions, 

[681 


CHANCELLORSVILLE 

and  such  valuables  as  would  be  injured  by  the 
water,  on  the  ends  of  the  muskets  or  on  our  heads, 
and  plunged  in.  We  had  the  small  men  dis 
tributed  among  the  large  ones,  and  in  this  way 
crossed  without  serious  trouble.  We  were  fol 
lowed  in  the  same  manner  by  the  Second  Massa 
chusetts.  Once  across  we  pushed  rapidly  for  the 
hill  overlooking  the  ford,  where  we  took  a  strong 
position  and  threw  out  our  pickets. 

The  pontoon  train  had  by  this  time  come  up, 
and  a  bridge  was  soon  built.  The  remainder  of 
our  Corps  and  the  Eleventh  Corps  then  crossed 
and  went  into  camp  ahead  of  us.  We  now  gath 
ered  about  our  fires,  and  dried  out  our  clothes  in 
order  to  have  them  once  more  in  comfortable  shape 
by  bed-time. 

The  next  morning  we  moved  to  Chancellors- 
ville,  where  we  arrived  early  in  the  day.  It  is  a 
very  big  name  for  a  very  small  place;  at  that  time 
it  contained  only  one  house.  The  position  which 
we  had  thus  gained  uncovered  the  road  to  United 
States  Ford,  on  the  Rappahannock.  Here  an 
other  pontoon  bridge  was  laid,  and  General 
Hooker  crossed  it  with  his  force.  We  were  all  in 

[69] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

the  best  of  spirits,  for  in  securing  this  advantage  of 
position  we  thought  that  the  victory  had  already 
been  gained. 

On  the  morning  of  May  1  our  Brigade  engaged 
in  a  successful  reconnoissance  toward  Fredericks- 
burg,  in  which  we  captured  a  number  of  prisoners. 
On  our  return  to  Chancellorsville  we  were  sent  to 
occupy  a  slight  rise  of  ground  at  Hazel  Grove, 
about  a  mile  southwest  of  Chancellor  House. 
Here,  in  a  sharp  skirmish  with  the  enemy,  Lieuten 
ant-Colonel  Scott  was  shot  through  the  head  by  a 
chance  ball  and  instantly  killed.  During  the  after 
noon,  General  Hooker  rode  around  the  lines, 
jubilant  over  the  success  of  his  movements.  Sev 
eral  times  he  remarked  that  now  he  had  got  the 
Confederates  where  he  wanted  them,  and  they 
would  have  to  fight  us  on  our  own  ground  or  be 
destroyed.  At  that  time  the  army  still  had  un 
bounded  confidence  in  him;  but  it  seemed  to  me  a 
bit  curious  that  the  man  who  was  ready  at  Antie- 
tam  to  lead  1 50  men  to  a  charge  on  the  whole 
Southern  army,  should  now  get  into  entrenchment 
when  he  had  at  his  command  1 50,000  soldiers. 

The  night  passed  off  without  incident.  At 
[70] 


CHANCELLORSVILLE 

about  ten  o'clock  the  next  morning  it  was  discov 
ered  that  the  enemy  were  moving  wagon  trains 
toward  the  southwest.  Birney's  Division  of  the 
Fifth  Corps,  which  had  been  in  position  some 
where  in  our  rear,  was  sent  out  at  about  noon  to 
stop  them.  A  sharp  musketry  fire  for  a  minute  or 
two  indicated  to  us  that  the  attack  had  been  made, 
and  soon  after  several  hundred  Southern  prison 
ers  were  sent  back  to  us  under  guard.  At  about 
four  in  the  afternoon,  our  Regiment  was  ordered  to 
deploy  as  skirmishers  through  the  woods  upon  the 
left  of  Birney,  to  capture  Confederate  stragglers 
who  were  believed  to  be  lurking  there  in  large 
numbers.  Obedient  to  these  orders  we  piled  up 
our  knapsacks,  overcoats,  and  other  baggage,  be 
hind  the  breastworks  we  had  built,  and  moved 
forward  into  the  woods.  We  had  advanced 
about  half  a  mile  from  our  entrenchments,  when 
the  storm  broke  loose  in  the  rear.  The  army  of 
Stonewall  Jackson  had  struck  the  Eleventh  Corps 
in  the  flank  and  rear,  and  had  brushed  it  away 
like  a  swarm  of  flies  before  a  hurricane.  I  was 
afterward  told  that  the  defeated  Corps  came 
tumbling  along  through  the  woods,  an  indiscrimi- 

[71] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

nate  mass  of  flying  men,  pack  mules  with  their 
packs  turned,  and  stray  artillery  horses.  Nor  did 
they  bring  up  until  they  were  stopped  at  Chancel- 
lorsville  by  three  regiments  of  Hooker's  cavalry. 
However,  the  best  troops  in  the  world  could  not, 
if  struck  in  the  same  way,  have  stood  against  such 
an  attack. 

Our  line  was  now  halted  to  await  developments. 
Very  soon  a  Confederate  battery  was  in  position 
on  the  hill  which  we  had  just  left,  and  was  throw 
ing  shells  over  toward  Chancellor  House.  Di 
rectly  in  our  front,  to  the  south,  another  battery  was 
firing  in  the  same  direction.  We  were  hidden  from 
this  second  battery  by  timber  and  underbrush,  but 
were  so  close  to  it  that  in  the  intervals  of  the  firing 
we  could  distinctly  hear  the  strokes  of  swabs  and 
rammers  as  the  guns  were  swabbed  out,  and  the 
charges  rammed  home.  From  my  position  I  could 
see  the  battery  near  our  old  entrenchments,  as  it 
came  up  and  commenced  firing.  However,  it  did 
not  remain  there  long.  The  fire  from  our  own 
batteries,  near  the  Chancellor  House,  blew  up  two 
caissons  or  their  limber  chests,  and  the  rest  of  the 
Southern  battery  sought  a  safer  place. 

[72] 


CHANCELLORSVILLE 

The  roar  of  artillery  and  musketry  still  contin 
ued  around  the  Chancellor  House  and  to  the  west 
of  it;  but  we  could  tell  by  the  sound  of  the  firing 
that  the  Confederate  advance  had  been  stayed. 
By  seven  o'clock  darkness  had  settled  over  the 
field,  bringing  with  it  for  a  time  comparative  quiet. 
We  began  to  look  around  now,  for  a  way  out  of 
the  woods,  and  back  to  our  Corps.  Our  scouts 
soon  found  that  Geary's  Division  still  held  the  en 
trenchments  which  they  had  built  the  night  before, 
and  that  we  might  return  safely  through  their 
lines  to  the  Chancellor  House.  By  nine  o'clock, 
therefore,  we  were  once  more  in  line  of  battle 
with  the  rest  of  the  Brigade,  in  the  woods  west 
of  the  House. 

Shortly  after  our  return,  occurred  the  confusion 
in  which  Stonewall  Jackson  was  mortally 
wounded.  Our  picket  line  had  been  driven  in  by 
the  enemy,  and  we  had  fired  a  volley  or  two  into 
the  woods  on  our  front.  At  the  same  time  we  had 
been  fired  on  in  the  darkness  by  the  Thirteenth 
New  Jersey.  General  Jackson  was  struck  just  at 
this  time,  in  the  woods  into  which  we  had  fired. 
It  has  been  presumed  that  he  was  hit  by  his  own 

[73] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

men,  but  there  is  a  possibility  that  the  bullet  came 
from  the  Third  Wisconsin. 

We  secured  but  little  sleep  that  night.  Our  ar 
tillery  continued  throwing  shot  and  shell  over  our 
heads  into  the  woods  fronting  us,  where  the  enemy 
were  supposed  to  be  in  force.  At  midnight  the 
Confederates  again  attacked  us ;  but  Birney's  Divi 
sion,  which  had  been  cut  off  from  us  in  the  after 
noon  by  Jackson's  attack,  struck  them  with  fixed 
bayonets  in  the  flank  at  the  same  time  that  we 
opened  on  them  in  the  front — and  of  course  we 
made  short  work  of  them.  We  had  now  regained 
the  ground  where  we  had  left  our  knapsacks,  but 
for  fear  of  another  attack,  the  officers  would  not 
let  us  go  up  after  them.  So  we  shivered  miserably 
through  the  night,  and  in  the  morning  arose  thor 
oughly  chilled. 

The  enemy,  however,  soon  gave  us  enough  to  do 
to  warm  our  blood.  Birney's  Division  had,  during 
the  night,  taken  a  new  position  in  our  advance,  at 
Hazel  Grove.  It  was  attacked  early  Sunday 
morning,  and  in  the  course  of  an  hour  driven  back 
with  the  reported  loss  of  one  of  its  batteries.  As 
Birney's  men  passed  back  over  us,  the  enemy  came 

[74] 


CHANCELLORSVILLE 

on,  flushed  with  victory,  and  in  some  disorder. 
But  in  a  few  minutes  we  sent  them  back,  in  worse 
disorder  than  they  had  come.  We  followed 
them  for  a  quarter  of  a  mile,  but  there  encountered 
a  second  line.  In  a  short  time  we  had  the  satisfac 
tion  of  seeing  their  backs,  also,  dimly  in  the  dis 
tance.  Colonel  Col  grove  of  the  Twenty-Seventh 
Indiana,  who  was  commanding  the  Brigade,  now 
ordered  a  bayonet  charge;  but  before  we  were 
fairly  started,  General  Ruger  sent  orders  not  to 
advance  any  farther.  Soon  the  enemy  attacked 
again;  but  after  a  stubborn  fight  we  sent  them 
back  for  a  third  time,  their  ranks  disorganized  and 
the  ground  thickly  strewn  with  their  dead. 

It  was  now  near  nine  o'clock.  We  had  been 
fighting  continuously  for  three  hours,  and  all  of  the 
ammunition  that  we  carried  had  been  exhausted. 
That  carried  by  the  pack  mules  had  been  dis 
tributed,  also,  and  was  nearly  all  fired  away.  The 
muskets  had  become  so  heated  and  foul  that  it  was 
difficult  to  load  them.  Some  of  the  pieces  were 
so  hot  that  the  cartridge  would  explode  as  soon  as 
it  struck  the  bottom  of  the  gun,  and  before  the  man 
had  been  able  to  aim.  Because  of  this,  we  were 

[751 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

relieved  by  a  fresh  brigade,  and  marched  back 
about  a  mile  to  the  rear.  From  there  we  were  sent 
to  a  position  a  little  northeast  of  the  Chancellor 
House,  where  we  built  breastworks  and  remained 
until  the  army  was  withdrawn  across  the  river. 

All  the  rest  of  the  day  we  could  hear  the  firing 
to  our  right,  and  the  next  day,  off  in  the  direction 
of  Fredericksburg,  where  Sedgwick's  Corps  was 
engaged;  but  we  made  no  move.  We  only  sat 
around,  wearily  watching  the  time  pass  away, 
until  the  night  of  the  5th,  when  preparations  began 
to  be  made  for  the  withdrawal  of  the  army  to  the 
north  bank  of  the  river.  The  night  was  cold  and 
rainy.  Our  blankets  and  overcoats  had  been  lost, 
for  we  had  left  them  on  the  second  night  of  the 
battle  to  pick  up  stragglers,  and  fires  were  not  per 
mitted,  lest  they  reveal  our  movement.  As  we 
shivered  through  the  long,  dark  hours,  all  the  ad 
miration  vanished  that  we  had  previously  felt  for 
Fighting  Joe  Hooker. 

Toward  day  we  silently  withdrew  from  the  en 
trenchments  we  had  made,  and  marched  off  to  the 
river.  We  found  when  we  came  near,  however, 
that  the  approaches  to  the  bridge  were  still 

[76] 


CHANCELLORSVILLE 

crowded  with  the  moving  troops;  we  had,  there 
fore,  to  double-quick  back  to  the  entrenchments, 
and  wait  until  the  bridge  was  cleared.  Then  we 
crossed  over,  the  last  of  the  army,  entirely  unmo 
lested  except  for  a  few  shells  thrown  by  a  Con 
federate  battery. 

We  now  returned  to  Stafford  Court  House,  and 
at  night  pitched  our  tents  on  the  very  ground  we 
had  left  ten  days  before.  We  were  all  thoroughly 
discouraged  over  the  outcome  of  our  expedition, 
and  feeling,  as  one  of  our  officers  expressed  it, 
"that  we  had  gone  out  for  wool,  and  come  back 
shorn."  The  old  soldiers  who  took  part  in  that 
movement  cannot  think  of  it,  to  this  day,  but  with 
the  strongest  feelings  of  disgust. 

The  camp  that  we  occupied  on  our  return  to 
Stafford  Court  House  was  one  of  the  best  we  ever 
had.  It  was  an  old  orchard,  with  a  vacant  field 
near  by  for  a  drill  and  parade  ground.  Our 
friends,  the  Second  Massachusetts,  occupied  one 
end  of  the  orchard  and  we  the  other.  Between  us 
was  a  good  baseball  ground,  where  we  amused 
ourselves  at  playing  ball  or  pitching  quoits.  Every 
night  after  supper,  the  officers  of  the  two  regi- 

[771 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

ments  would  get  together  for  a  big  game,  while  the 
rank  and  file  would  follow  suit,  and  our  drill 
ground  would  present  an  animated  sight.  Thus 
we  whiled  away  the  time  with  considerable  com 
fort,  often  speculating  on  the  possibility  of  the  en 
emy  coming  across  the  river  to  attack  us.  So  many 
regiments  of  two-year  men  and  nine-months  men 
were  being  mustered  out  of  the  service,  that  we 
did  not  consider  it  at  all  likely  that  we  would  cross 
the  river  until  our  ranks  were  filled  by  the  con 
scription  which  had  then  been  ordered. 

A  Cavalry  Expedition 

On  June  6  this  easy  life  came  to  an  end.  The 
company  commanders  of  our  Regiment  were  sum 
moned  to  the  Colonel's  tent,  and  informed  that  the 
Regiment  had  been  selected  to  accompany  a  cav 
alry  expedition.  We  were  instructed  to  leave  be 
hind  all  baggage  not  carried  on  the  persons  of  the 
men,  and  to  take  only  those  who  could  march  thirty 
miles  a  day.  The  expedition  was  to  be  composed 
of  the  two  best  regiments  in  each  corps — the  Sec 
ond  Massachusetts  and  ourselves  having  been  se 
lected  from  the  Twelfth. 

[78] 


ON  THE  RAPPAHANNOCK 

We  left  our  camp  at  about  six  o'clock  and 
marched  that  night  to  Spott  Tavern,  fifteen  miles 
away.  The  next  day  we  reached  Bealeton  Sta 
tion,  where  we  bivouacked  in  the  woods  until  the 
night  of  the  8th,  awaiting  the  arrival  of  our  cav 
alry.  We  were  joined  here  by  a  number  of  other 
regiments,  the  whole  force  being  under  command 
of  General  Ames.  Our  State  pride  was  highly 
gratified  to  find  four  Wisconsin  regiments  in  this 
detail  of  picked  commands  from  every  corps. 

On  the  night  of  the  8th,  our  whole  force,  in 
fantry,  artillery,  and  cavalry,  moved  down  to  the 
Rappahannock  at  Beverly  Ford.  The  next 
morning,  a  portion  of  the  Third  Wisconsin  was 
deployed  to  cover  the  crossing;  but  the  enemy  had 
not  discovered  us,  and  we  passed  over  without 
trouble.  The  cavalry  now  pushed  on  to  Brandy 
Station,  on  the  railroad;  the  infantry  following, 
with  our  detachment  in  the  lead.  The  cavalry 
were  soon  briskly  engaged,  and  in  a  little  while 
Colonel  Davis,  their  commanding  officer,  was 
brought  back  mortally  wounded.  The  infantry 
was  now  disposed  on  the  flanks,  to  guard  the  cav 
alry  from  being  taken  at  a  disadvantage.  The 

[791, 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

fighting  soon  became  general,  being  mostly  by  de 
tached  companies  deployed  as  skirmishers.  At 
one  time,  in  advancing  with  my  Company  to  clear 
out  a  piece  of  woods,  I  had  a  lively  fight  for  a 
short  time;  five  men  out  of  the  twenty  with  me 
were  severely  wounded  before  we  drove  the  en 
emy  from  their  shelter.  At  another  time,  Com 
pany  D  succeeded  in  getting  on  the  flank  and  rear 
of  a  North  Carolina  regiment,  and  captured  over 
a  hundred  prisoners.  Some  of  our  cavalry  regi 
ments  were  pretty  severely  handled  at  the  be 
ginning  of  the  fight,  especially  before  the  infantry 
came  up.  On  the  whole,  however,  the  expedition 
was  a  success,  resulting  in  the  capture  of  the  head 
quarters  of  the  Confederate  cavalry  leader,  Gen 
eral  J.  E.  B.  Stuart,  together  with  many  valuable 
papers  and  orders  relating  to  the  contemplated  in 
vasion  of  the  North. 

Gettysburg 

We  now  recrossed  Beverly  Ford  and  went  into 
camp  until  the  1 2th.  Then  we  learned  that  the 
Confederate  army  was  on  the  move  toward  the 
North,  and  that  our  army  was  marching  to  Man- 

[80] 


GETTYSBURG 

assas  Junction  and  Centerville.  We  therefore 
marched  in  the  same  direction,  and  on  the  16th 
rejoined  our  Corps  near  Centerville.  Reaching 
Leesburg  on  the  1 8th,  we  went  into  camp.  We 
had  no  definite  information  as  to  the  location  of 
the  Confederate  army,  but  rather  suspected  that  it 
was  moving  into  the  Shenandoah  Valley.  This 
suspicion  was  confirmed  when  we  learned  that 
they  had  occupied  Winchester  and  Martinsburg. 
We  heard  of  them  next  as  crossing  the  Potomac  at 
Williamsport  and  marching  into  Pennsylvania. 

During  our  stay  at  Leesburg,  several  men  from 
a  New  York  regiment  were  shot  for  desertion. 
They  were  the  first  executions  for  that  crime  in  our 
army,  and  for  a  time,  they  produced  a  great  sen 
sation.  On  the  26th  we  crossed  the  Potomac  at 
Edward's  Ferry,  and  proceeded  up  the  river  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Monocacy ;  thence  we  moved  across 
to  Frederick  City,  where  we  went  into  camp  early 
on  the  afternoon  of  the  28th. 

During  the  night  I  learned  that  our  Division 
was  under  marching  orders  to  strike  for  Williams- 
port  in  the  morning,  and  destroy  the  bridge  on 
which  the  enemy  had  crossed  the  Potomac.  We 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

were  to  destroy,  also,  all  boats  and  ferries  that 
might  be  used  by  the  Confederates  in  a  retreat. 
Then  we  were  to  rejoin  the  army  if  we  could;  if 
not,  to  move  west  to  Cumberland,  and  rejoin  as 
opportunity  offered.  With  morning,  however, 
came  a  change  of  commanders,  and  with  it  also, 
a  change  of  orders.  General  Hooker  had  been 
superseded  by  General  Meade,  and  now  we  were 
ordered  northward  to  follow  the  army  that  had 
gone  ahead. 

At  noon  on  July  1 ,  while  we  were  preparing 
our  dinner  at  Two  Taverns,  some  eight  miles 
south  of  Gettysburg,  the  distant  rumbling  of  ar 
tillery  to  the  north  announced  to  us  the  opening 
of  a  great  battle.  The  cannonading  became  more 
and  more  furious  as  the  minutes  passed,  until  in 
the  distance  it  sounded  like  one  continual  roll  of 
thunder.  At  length  came  the  order  to  march,  and 
in  five  minutes  we  were  on  the  road  to  the  front 
as  fast  as  our  strength  could  take  us.  As  we 
trudged  along,  we  met  hundreds  of  Confederate 
prisoners  being  sent  to  the  rear,  as  well  as  a  good 
many  of  our  own  wounded,  on  their  way  to  the 


[82] 


GETTYSBURG 

field  hospitals.    Of  stragglers,  there  were  excep 
tionally  few. 

On  the  run  we  reached  Cemetery  Ridge,  where 
we  learned  that  the  First  and  Eleventh  corps  had 
been  compelled  to  fall  back  through  the  town  of 
Gettysburg.  They  had  taken  a  new  position  on  a 
ridge  east  of  the  city.  A  portion  of  our  Brigade 
now  filed  off  to  the  right,  across  Rock  Creek, 
thence  north  about  half  a  mile;  and  then,  having 
deployed  about  half  of  our  Regiment  as  skirmish 
ers,  advanced  toward  the  west  until  we  were 
sharply  engaged  with  the  enemy's  skirmishers. 
Only  a  little  over  two  hours  had  passed  from  the 
time  when  we  received  the  order  to  march  eight 
miles  distant,  before  we  were  in  position  on  the 
extreme  right  of  the  line  of  battle,  checking  the  ad 
vance  of  the  enemy  in  that  direction.  There  we 
remained  until  sunset,  when  we  were  relieved  by 
the  cavalry,  and  recrossed  Rock  Creek  to  the 
west  side. 

As  the  remainder  of  our  Corps  had  come  up, 
they  took  position  on  the  right  of  the  First  Corps. 
We  now  rejoined  them  there,  our  own  right  rest 
ing  on  Rock  Creek.  Immediately  we  began  to 

[83]' 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

throw  up  breastworks,  and  by  evening  had  built 
for  ourselves  quite  respectable  entrenchments.  It 
rained  during  most  of  the  night;  but  in  spite  of 
that  and  the  enemy,  we  secured  a  good  rest  for  the 
next  day's  work. 

Early  the  next  morning  we  were  stirring,  in  an 
ticipation  of  an  attack;  but  until  noon  there  was 
nothing  but  skirmishing  in  our  vicinity.  Then 
the  storm  broke  loose  on  the  extreme  left  of  the 
line,  near  Little  Round  Top,  where  Sickles's 
Corps  was  situated.  The  place  was  entirely  hid 
den  from  our  sight,  and  from  the  sounds  we  could 
form  no  opinion  as  to  how  things  were  going; 
but  we  were  constantly  receiving  reports  that 
Sickles  was  either  holding  his  own  or  driving  the 
enemy  before  him.  In  the  light  of  subsequent 
events,  these  reports  seem  to  have  been  purposely 
colored,  in  order  to  keep  up  our  spirits.  Occasional 
demonstrations  along  our  front  kept  us  in  constant 
expectation  of  being  attacked,  but  nothing  of  the 
sort  occurred. 

About  six  o'clock  we  were  hurried  out  of  our 
entrenchments  at  a  double-quick  toward  Little 
Round  Top,  where  it  was  understood  that  Sickles's 

[84] 


GETTYSBURG 

Third  Corps  had  been  driven  back  with  severe 
loss.  But  before  we  arrived,  the  enemy  had  been 
repulsed,  and  the  firing  ceased.  We  were  now 
started  back  to  our  entrenchments.  We  found, how 
ever,  upon  our  arrival,  that  the  enemy  had  in  our 
absence  taken  possession  of  them.  It  was  exasper 
ating  to  see  them  benefitting  by  our  labors,  but  we 
were  somewhat  consoled  by  the  capture  of  a  picket 
of  twenty  Confederates,  who  in  the  darkness  had 
wandered  into  our  line  as  we  approached.  We 
were  now  obliged  to  form  a  new  line,  connecting 
with  our  forces  on  the  left  as  before,  but  swinging 
back  at  an  angle  on  the  right  to  Rock  Creek.  We 
thus  presented  to  the  enemy  a  semi-circular  front, 
which  they  could  not  penetrate  without  being 
subjected  to  a  cross  fire  from  both  sides. 

During  the  night  we  remained  unmolested.  At 
daylight  the  firing  commenced.  The  ground  oc 
cupied  by  the  enemy's  skirmishers  was  a  rocky  bit 
of  woodland  which  furnished  abundant  cover  for 
sharpshooters.  For  a  while  they  annoyed  us,  but 
by  nine  o'clock  we  had  dislodged  them,  and 
driven  them  back  to  the  cover  of  their  breastworks. 
On  our  left  the  enemy  were  making  desperate 

[85] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

efforts  to  dislodge  from  their  entrenchments 
Greene's  Brigade  and  the  troops  of  the  First 
Corps.  Six  times  they  came  up  to  the  assault,  and 
six  times  were  repulsed,  leaving  the  ground  over 
which  they  advanced  literally  covered  with  their 
dead.  At  about  eleven  o'clock  a  portion  of  our 
Division  followed  up  these  successes  by  charging 
the  Confederates  in  our  front  and  sweeping  them 
entirely  out  of  our  entrenchments.  They  retired 
only  a  short  distance,  however,  showing  that  they 
had  not  abandoned  the  contest. 

For  nearly  two  hours,  complete  quiet  now  suc 
ceeded  the  roar  and  din  of  the  battle.  Not  a 
cannon  was  fired.  Only  an  occasional  musket  shot 
disturbed  the  silence  that  prevailed  from  one  end 
of  the  field  to  the  other.  We  all  felt,  however, 
that  this  was  but  a  lull  before  the  final  burst 
of  the  storm.  The  losses  in  our  Regiment  had  thus 
far  been  light,  and  our  spirits  ran  high.  We  felt 
entire  confidence  that  no  force  that  the  Southern 
ers  could  bring  against  us  could  by  direct  assault 
break  our  line  at  any  point. 

About  one  o'clock,  the  first  shot  was  fired  in  the 
tremendous  artillery  duel  that  preceded  the  last 

[86] 


GETTYSBURG 

desperate  attempt  to  penetrate  our  center  at  Ceme 
tery  Ridge.  In  five  minutes  three  hundred  guns 
were  pouring  into  one  another,  their  deadly  show 
ers  of  shot  and  shell,  and  making  fearful  havoc  of 
every  thing  that  was  not  sheltered.  From  our  po 
sition  in  the  woods  we  could  see  nothing  of  what 
was  going  on  in  other  parts  of  the  line;  but  the  air 
above  was  filled  with  screaming  shells,  as  they 
flew  back  and  forth  on  their  deadly  errand.  In 
some  instances,  shells  from  the  Confederate  bat 
teries  in  front  of  the  Second  Corps  would  pass  en 
tirely  over  our  lines,  and  land  near  the  enemy  in 
our  front;  a  great  many  of  them  fell  in  the  open 
space  in  our  rear. 

At  one  time  during  the  progress  of  the  cannon 
ade,  a  battery  was  placed  in  position  on  a  hill 
across  Rock  Creek  directly  in  front  of  our  Regi 
ment,  and  began  to  drop  shells  unpleasantly  close 
to  us.  But  our  friends  of  Battery  M,  of  the  First 
New  York  Artillery,  who  had  been  with  us  since 
the  Brigade  was  organized,  seemed  to  get  their 
range  at  once,  and  promptly  silenced  them.  On  a 
trip  over  the  field,  the  next  day,  I  found  the  posi- 


87} 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

tion  where  they  had  been  stationed  marked  by  a 
dozen  dead  horses  and  two  exploded  caissons. 

During  the  cannonading,  I  took  occasion  to  go 
back  into  the  woods  a  short  distance  in  order  to 
get  a  view  of  what  was  going  on.  Everything  in 
sight  gave  evidence  of  the  severity  of  the  fire.  All 
those  who  were  not  actively  engaged  had  sought 
the  shelter  of  rocks  and  trees  or  the  inequalities  of 
the  ground.  Here  and  there  mounted  officers  and 
orderlies  were  riding  across  the  field,  although  at 
first  sight  it  seemed  as  though  a  bird  could  scarcely 
fly  over  it  unharmed. 

In  the  course  of  an  hour  the  terriffic  artillery  fire 
slackened.  Then  for  a  few  minutes  it  nearly 
ceased.  In  the  interval  of  silence,  Pickett's  Di 
vision  of  Confederates  was  marching  to  the 
charge.  From  my  position  I  could  not  see  them 
coming  on,  but  I  knew  that  they  were  charging  by 
the  old  familiar  Southern  yell.  Soon  that  was 
drowned  in  the  roar  of  musketry  and  artillery. 
For  a  time  all  was  turmoil  and  confusion.  At 
length  the  hearty  cheers  of  our  comrades  rang  out, 
and  we  knew  that  the  Confederate  tide  of  invasion 
had  been  safely  rolled  back. 

[88] 


GETTYSBURG 

While  this  assault  was  being  made  on  the  cen 
ter,  constant  demonstrations  were  being  made  on 
our  front,  and  we  momentarily  expected  an  attack. 
None  came,  however,  although  during  all  the  rest 
of  the  day  the  enemy  presented  an  unshaken  line. 
At  night  they  silently  withdrew,  and  on  the  morn 
ing  of  the  4th  our  reconnoitering  parties  could  find 
nothing  of  them  east  of  Seminary  Ridge,  save 
their  dead  and  severely  wounded,  whom  they  had 
left  on  the  field. 

I  spent  some  time  that  day  going  over  the 
ground  occupied  by  the  enemy  in  front  of  the 
Twelfth  Corps,  and  that  over  which  Pickett  had 
made  his  now  famous  charge.  From  what  I  saw,  I 
felt  certain  that  the  enemy's  losses  were  double  our 
own.  Where  they  had  assaulted  Geary's  Di 
vision  on  the  evening  of  the  2nd  and  on  the  morn 
ing  of  the  3rd,  the  ground  was  so  strewn  with 
their  dead  that  it  would  have  been  possible  to 
walk  for  rods  on  dead  bodies. 

On  the  morning  of  the  5th  the  enemy  was  on 
the  road  back  to  Virginia.  We  started  the  same 
day  following  hard  after  them,  on  parallel  roads 
to  the  east.  When  they  reached  Williamsport, 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

however,  they  turned  on  us  with  a  bold  front.  It 
had  been  raining  almost  constantly  for  several 
weeks  and  the  Potomac  was  a  raging  torrent, 
which  could  not  be  forded.  We  were  in  hopes  that 
it  might  thus  continue  until  our  forces  could  be 
concentrated  to  overwhelm  them.  On  the  morn 
ing  of  the  1 3th,  however,  when  we  were  ready  to 
move  forward  to  the  attack,  they  were  gone.  The 
river  had  fallen  during  the  night,  and  they  had 
made  good  their  retreat. 

For  a  time  our  Regiment  led  in  the  pursuit  to  the 
ford  at  Falling  Waters.  Then  we  were  filed  out 
to  the  side  of  the  road  to  make  way  for  General 
Kilpatrick's  Cavalry  Brigade.  They  had  scarcely 
passed  out  of  sight  through  a  patch  of  woods, 
when  the  roar  of  artillery  and  the  sharp  crack  of 
musketry  announced  that  the  enemy  had  been 
found.  We  moved  forward  as  rapidly  as  pos 
sible,  but  were  not  in  time  to  take  any  part  in  the 
conflict.  It  appeared  that  when  the  cavalry  had 
emerged  from  the  woods  they  had  found  a  brigade 
of  Confederate  infantry  posted  as  a  rear  guard,  on 
a  ridge  overlooking  the  ford  at  Falling  Waters. 
They  had  immediately  charged  the  enemy's 

[90] 


WAR  PRICES 

breastworks  and  had  captured  over  a  thousand 
prisoners.  They  had  won,  besides,  as  trophies  of 
their  skirmish,  two  pieces  of  artillery  and  four  or 
five  colors  inscribed  with  all  the  battles  of  the 
Army  of  Northern  Virginia.  No  further  pursuit 
was  made.  All  of  Lee's  army,  save  only  this  rear 
guard,  had  escaped  safely  to  the  south  side  of  the 
Potomac. 

At  about  this  time  I  sent  to  my  home  in  Wis 
consin  the  following  letter  concerning  Lee's  in 
vasion  : 

I  have  wished  a  good  many  times  that  the  rebs  could 
have  had  a  month  more  among  the  people  of  Pennsyl 
vania.  What  little  sympathy  I  had  for  them  is  gone  now. 
I  cannot  appreciate  that  disposition  which  will  swindle  a 
friend  to  compensate  for  what  an  enemy  has  stolen  from 
you.  In  some  cases  the  farmers  would  sell  our  men  pro 
visions  at  reasonable  rates  and  even  give  them  something, 
but  the  majority  would  ask  from  $.60  to  $1 .00  a  loaf  for 
bread,  and  $.25  a  quart  for  milk,  and  all  such  things  in 
proportion. 

Our  Corps  now  moved  down  the  river  to  Har 
pers  Ferry,  and  crossing  into  Virginia,  marched 

[91] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

leisurely  along  the  eastern  side  of  the  Blue  Ridge. 
We  found  the  abandoned  fields  through  which 
we  passed  overgrown  with  blackberry  bushes,  and 
literally  black  with  the  ripened  fruit.  Every  night 
the  men  would  go  out  from  camp,  and  within  easy 
range  find  as  many  berries  as  they  could  eat.  And 
they  were  the  best  medicine  we  ever  used.  I 
knew  of  cases  of  diarrhea  that  had  become  almost 
chronic,  soon  cured  by  this  diet. 

On  Draft  Riot  duty 

On  July  3 1  we  went  into  camp  near  Kelly's 
Ferry  on  the  Rappahannock,  where  for  the  next 
two  weeks  we  did  guard  duty  along  the  river  and 
rested  from  the  fatigue  of  the  long  marches  we 
had  made  since  leaving  Stafford  Court  House. 
On  August  1 5  came  orders  to  move.  The  next 
morning  we  marched  down  to  Rappahannock 
Station  in  company  with  two  other  old  regiments 
of  the  Brigade,  and  boarded  the  cars  for  Alex 
andria,  on  our  way  to  New  York.  We  were 
joined  at  the  station  by  five  other  regiments  from 
the  different  brigades,  all  under  command  of  Gen 
eral  Ruger. 

[92] 


IN   NEW  YORK 

It  seems  that  during  the  Confederate  invasion 
of  Pennsylvania,  the  New  York  militia  regiments 
had  been  called  off  for  duty  in  Washington,  Bal 
timore,  and  other  places.  A  riotous  mob  in  New 
York  City  had  taken  advantage  of  this  circum 
stance  to  break  out  in  defiance  of  the  authorities, 
and  in  resistance  to  the  execution  of  the  draft. 
They  had  for  several  days  held  the  city  in  a  reign 
of  terror,  and  it  had  been  necessary  to  stop  all  pro 
ceedings  under  the  draft. 

After  a  wait  of  several  days,  we  embarked 
at  Alexandria  on  the  steamer  "Merrimac,"  and 
proceeded  down  the  Potomac  to  the  ocean,  thence 
to  New  York  City.  We  landed  at  the  foot  of 
Canal  Street,  and  quietly  marched  to  the  City 
Hall  Park,  where  we  arrived  at  about  ten  o'clock 
on  Saturday  night.  Barracks  had  been  provided 
for  the  enlisted  men,  but  the  officers'  tents  had  not 
arrived.  This  did  not  trouble  us  much,  however, 
as  we  had  been  without  tents  much  of  the  time 
during  the  past  two  months.  Wrapped  in  our  rub 
ber  blankets,  we  lay  on  the  grass  and  slept,  as  the 
landlady  in  Rob  Roy  says,  "like  a  good  sword  in 
its  scabbard."  We  awoke  in  the  morning  to  find 

[93] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

the  sun  well  up  in  the  heavens,  and  the  park  sur 
rounded  by  a  crowd  of  curious  people,  surprised  to 
see  a  number  of  fairly  well-dressed  officers,  sleep 
ing  on  the  ground  like  a  lot  of  vagrants. 

The  next  day,  tents  were  pitched  and  cots  pre 
pared,  and  we  were  enjoying  the  delights  of  camp 
life  amid  all  the  surroundings  of  civilization.  We 
had  our  dress  parades  and  guard  mountings  with 
all  the  pomp  and  show  that  300  men  can  make,  to 
the  delight  of  the  great  crowds  who  had  come  to 
see  the  veterans  of  Antietam  and  Gettysburg. 
Soon  after  our  arrival  I  was  detailed  for  duty  in 
the  provost  marshal's  office  of  the  Fifth  District  of 
New  York,  where  the  rioting  had  been  most  des 
perate.  I  had  charge  of  the  guard  stationed  there 
to  preserve  order  and  see  that  those  who  brought 
substitutes  or  recruits  were  promptly  admitted. 

There  were  no  disturbances  in  the  city  while 
we  were  there,  except  such  as  our  men  made  for 
themselves,  at  the  instigation  of  the  police.  We 
had  plenty  of  bold  fellows  in  the  Regiment,  who 
wanted  no  better  amusement  than  to  raid  a  saloon 
that  had  been  the  headquarters  of  the  rioters. 
They  would  get  out  of  camp  at  night,  and  gather 

[94]  j 


SEASICKNESS 

in  such  a  saloon  pointed  out  to  them  by  the  police. 
Then  they  would  get  up  a  row  on  some  pretext, 
and  pitch  bartenders  and  bummers  out  of  doors, 
and  smash  everything  breakable  about  the  place. 
Everyone  in  the  Regiment  could  find  a  way  to  en 
joy  himself,  and  a  policeman  to  help  him,  and 
would  have  been  content  to  stay  in  the  city  much 
longer  than  we  did. 

On  September  6  came  orders  to  return  to  our 
camp.  We  marched  down  to  the  Battery  in  the 
evening,  and  were  conveyed  in  small  boats  to  the 
steamer  "Mississippi."  In  the  morning,  when  I 
awoke,  we  were  rolling  and  pitching  in  a  manner 
that  I  had  never  before  experienced  in  my  limited 
travels  by  water.  A  few  of  the  officers  had  be 
come  seasick  on  our  way  up  to  New  York,  and 
those  of  us  who  escaped  had  enjoyed  the  fun  of 
laughing  at  them.  I  did  not  propose  therefore  to 
give  up  now.  So  I  dressed  and  started  for  break 
fast.  One  smell  of  the  coffee,  and  I  had  business 
on  deck.  But  after  gazing  steadily  over  the  side 
of  the  vessel  for  a  time,  I  felt  better,  and  by  noon 
had  recovered  my  appetite. 

We  arrived  at  Alexandria  on  the  9th.  On 
[95] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

the  1 3th  we  reached  our  camp  at  Kelly's  Ferry, 
and  found  the  Thirteenth  New  Jersey  drawn  up 
in  line  to  welcome  us  back  to  the  old  Brigade. 
We  did  not,  however,  remain  long  in  camp. 
Rumors  began  to  float  about,  that  Lee  was  send 
ing  a  part  of  his  army  to  reenforce  Bragg  in  north 
western  Georgia.  Within  two  days  we  were 
again  on  the  march  to  the  Rapidan,  behind  which 
the  enemy  had  retired.  We  reached  Raccoon 
Ford  on  the  16th,  and  our  Regiment  and  the 
Second  Massachusetts  were  detailed  to  support 
pickets  at  the  Ford. 

We  camped  in  the  woods  near  the  river,  with 
sentinels  at  night  down  to  the  bank,  but  during  the 
day  they  were  withdrawn  to  the  most  convenient 
cover  in  the  neighborhood.  The  enemy  were 
camped  just  behind  the  hills  on  the  other  side. 
Just  about  this  time  they  appeared  to  be  having  a 
religious  revival.  While  visiting  my  sentinels 
after  dark,  I  could  hear  them  preaching,  praying, 
and  singing,  whole  regiments  apparently  being 
thus  engaged.  Under  orders  from  Corps  head 
quarters  we  refrained  from  firing  upon  their  pickets 
and  they  reciprocated  the  courtesy,  which  made  it 

[96] 


A  NEW  ENVIRONMENT 

much  pleasanter  for  the  sentinels  on  both  sides  of 
the  river. 

With  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland 

After  two  days  of  this  picket  duty  we  were  re 
lieved  by  a  Connecticut  regiment  and  rejoined  our 
Corps.  We  found  that  we  were  under  orders  to 
march  the  next  day  to  Brandy  Station,  on  the 
railroad.  We  did  not  know  it  at  the  time,  but 
we  were  about  to  take  our  leave  from  the  old  Army 
of  the  Potomac,  with  which  we  had  been  asso 
ciated  since  its  organization.  We  had  fought  side 
by  side  in  some  of  the  hardest  battles  in  the  war ; 
and  had  we  been  consulted  in  the  matter,  we 
would  doubtless  have  voted  to  stay  where  we 
were,  and  help  it  to  finish  Lee's  army.  However, 
we  were  not  consulted,  and  the  necessities  of  war 
now  called  us  to  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland  at 
Chattanooga. 

On  the  night  of  the  24th,  we  bivouacked  at 
Brandy  Station,  where  the  paymaster  worked  all 
night  paying  off  the  troops,  and  where  we  saw  the 
Eleventh  Corps  being  loaded  for  Alexandria. 
The  next  morning  we  marched  to  Bealeton  Sta- 
7  [97] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

tion,  where,  after  a  wait  of  a  day,  we  also  loaded 
up  and  started.  The  cars  were  ordinary  freight 
trucks,  with  rough  board  benches  set  crosswise, 
and  the  men  were  crowded  in  as  thick  as  they 
could  be  seated. 

We  pulled  out  of  Washington  over  the  Balti 
more  &  Ohio  Railroad,  the  trains  containing  forty 
or  fifty  cars  each.  As  we  approached  the  moun 
tains  the  size  of  the  trains  was  reduced  to  about 
seven  cars;  but  on  reaching  the  western  slope,  the 
old  number  was  restored.  We  crossed  the  Ohio 
at  Benwood,  on  a  pontoon  bridge.  Another  lot 
of  cars  was  awaiting  us  on  the  opposite  side,  and 
we  went  on  through  Columbus,  Dayton,  Indian 
apolis,  and  Louisville.  On  this  trip  through  Ohio 
and  Indiana  we  were  everywhere  reminded  that 
we  were  among  friends.  Our  train  stopped  for 
a  time  at  Columbus,  Xenia,  and  Dayton,  and  it 
seemed  as  though  the  citizens  of  those  towns  could 
not  do  enough  for  us.  At  every  station  along  the 
road  great  crowds  of  people  were  gathered,  and 
cheered  us  as  we  passed  along. 

We  stopped  briefly  at  Louisville,  then  went  on 
again  through  Nashville,  and  past  the  battle-field 

[98] 


A  PRIMITIVE  RAILROAD 

of  Murfreesboro.  We  debarked  from  the  cars  at 
Stevenson,  Alabama,  on  Sunday  morning,  just  a 
week  from  the  time  we  had  started.  We  cer 
tainly  were  glad  enough  to  be  released  after  seven 
days  and  nights  of  railroad  travelling,  cramped  up 
so  tightly  that  there  was  scarce  room  either  to  sit 
up  or  lie  down.  Our  arrival  was  none  too  soon. 
The  long  line  of  railroad  from  Nashville  south 
ward,  had  been  practically  unguarded,  and  the 
enemy's  cavalry  under  General  Wheeler  suc 
ceeded  soon  after  our  arrival  in  tearing  it  up  in  sev 
eral  places. 

We  now  had  several  weeks  of  racing  up  and 
down  the  railroad  line,  infantry  after  cavalry,  and 
with  the  usual  result.  In  the  end,  however,  the 
road  was  cleared,  with  the  whole  "Red  Star" 
Division  distributed  between  Murfreesboro  and 
Stevenson.  Our  Regiment  was  stationed  at  War- 
trace,  where  there  was  a  junction  with  a  short  rail 
road  running  to  Shelbyville — the  Nashville  & 
Chattanooga  Railroad.  It  was  a  curiosity.  The 
cross-ties  were  about  five  feet  apart,  and  the  rails 
were  of  wood,  surmounted  by  a  running  surface  of 
light  iron.  Frequently  the  wooden  rails  would 

[99] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

spread,  and  then  there  would  be  a  wreck ;  in  fact, 
scarcely  a  day  passed  on  which  there  would  not 
be  an  accident  of  some  kind.  Large  details  of 
men  from  our  Regiment  were  set  to  work  to  bring 
the  road  in  repair,  and  by  Christmas  it  was  in  fairly 
good  condition. 

Shortly  after  we  were  established  at  Wartrace, 
I  secured  leave  of  absence  to  go  to  Chattanooga  in 
search  of  my  brother,  who  had  enlisted  in  the 
Tenth  Wisconsin.  I  had  not  heard  of  him  since 
the  battle  of  Chickamauga.  My  route  was  by 
rail  to  Bridgeport  on  the  Tennessee  River,  then  in 
a  small  captured  Confederate  steamer  called 
"Paint  Rock,"  up  the  Tennessee  to  Chattanooga. 

The  "Paint  Rock"  was  loaded  to  its  utmost 
capacity  with  hardtack  for  the  starving  Union 
men  who  held  Chattanooga.  The  river  route  to 
that  town  had  only  recently  been  opened  up  by 
General  Hooker,  with  the  Eleventh  Corps  and 
the  Second  Division  of  our  Corps.  Previously  it 
had  been  necessary  to  wheel  all  supplies  sixty 
miles  over  a  mountain  road,  where  teams  could 
scarcely  haul  the  forage  for  their  own  trip.  Even 

[100] 


NEAR  CHATTANOOGA 

now  the  boats  could  run  only  to  within  eight  miles 
of  the  city. 

The  fifty-mile  river  trip  brought  me  at  the  end 
of  the  day  to  the  landing  at  Kelly's  Ferry.  Then 
I  had  an  eight-mile  walk  before  me  to  the  camps, 
where  I  arrived  late  in  the  evening.  I  soon 
found  the  regiment  or  the  small  remnant  of  it  that 
I  was  looking  for;  but  then  I  learned  that  my 
brother  was  beyond  doubt  a  prisoner  in  the  hands 
of  the  enemy. 

I  spent  a  day  in  visiting  about  Chattanooga. 
The  enemy  occupied  a  line  from  the  Tennessee 
River,  above  town,  to  the  point  of  Lookout  Moun 
tain  below.  At  no  place  were  they  near  enough 
to  throw  shells  into  the  city,  save  from  their  heavy 
guns  on  Lookout  Mountain.  From  these,  shells 
came  over  all  day  at  intervals  of  ten  or  fifteen 
minutes^  and  exploded  high  in  the  air  over  either 
our  camps  or  the  city.  So  far  as  I  could  see,  how 
ever,  they  did  little  damage. 

Shortly  after  my  return  to  my  Regiment,  I  was 
detailed  to  investigate  the  killing  of  a  negro  by  a 
white  man,  not  far  from  our  post.  The  evidence 
showed  that  it  was  a  most  unprovoked  murder,  and 

[101] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

I  so  reported.  The  man  was  thereupon  arrested 
and  sent  to  the  provost  marshal  at  Tullahoma.  I 
never  learned  what  was  finally  done  with  him. 
The  curious  thing  about  the  affair  was  the  frank 
astonishment  of  the  man  that  anyone  should  take 
notice  of  the  killing  of  a  mere  "nigger." 

Toward  the  end  of  November  a  large  number 
of  Confederate  prisoners,  who  had  been  captured 
in  the  battles  of  Lookout  Mountain  and  Mission 
ary  Ridge,  were  being  sent  northward  over  the 
railroad.  We  often  had  conversation  with  them 
while  the  trains  were  stopping  at  our  station.  Some 
were  still  defiant,  but  most  of  them  were  discour 
aged,  and  many  predicted  that  the  Confederacy 
could  not  last  six  months  longer.  An  unusually 
large  number  of  deserters  of  all  ranks  from  colonel 
downward,  were  also  coming  in,  and  they  likewise 
professed  to  believe  that  the  Confederacy  was 
tottering. 

The  Third  Veteranizes 

In  December  a  general  order  was  issued  from 
the  War  Department,  providing  for  the  reenlist- 
ment  of  veteran  regiments.  It  provided  for  a  lib- 


A  COURT  MARTIAL 

eral  bounty  for  all  who  reenlisted  as  veterans  after 
two  years'  service;  but  it  offered  what  was  a 
greater  temptation  than  anything  else,  the  chance 
to  go  home  for  thirty  days  as  a  regiment,  with  the 
opportunity  to  recruit  up  to  the  full  standard.  I 
explained  to  my  Company  all  the  advantages  of 
this  arrangement.  Their  term  of  service  would 
not  expire  until  the  end  of  June.  By  that  time  the 
fighting  would  probably  be  well  over  with.  By 
reenlisting  now  they  would  secure  the  bounty,  the 
thirty  days  furlough,  and  the  honorable  record  of 
veteran  soldiers,  and  it  would  be  possible  to  pre 
serve  our  organization  from  the  beginning  to  the 
end  of  the  war. 

Just  about  this  time  I  was  called  away  from 
camp  to  Tullahoma,  to  sit  on  the  court  martial  of 
Colonel  E.  L.  Price  of  the  One  Hundred  Forty- 
Fifth  New  York  Regiment,  on  charges  of  misbe 
haviour  in  battle.  When  the  court  adjourned 
over  the  Christmas  holidays  and  I  returned  to  my 
Regiment,  I  was  informed  by  my  First  Sergeant 
that  the  men  of  my  Company  had  been  talking  over 
the  matter  of  reenlisting,  and  that  more  than  three- 
fourths  of  them  were  ready  to  do  so  if  I  would 

[103] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

stay  with  them.  The  contagion  spread.  By 
Christmas  all  but  two  of  the  officers,  and  240  out 
of  300  enlisted  men  present  with  the  Regiment, 
had,  in  the  language  of  the  day,  "veteranized." 

On  Christmas  this  surviving  remnant  of  the 
thousand  men  of  the  Third,  who  had  so  gayly  left 
the  State  two-and-a-half  years  before,  started  on 
their  return.  It  was  a  beautiful  day,  and  for  us 
one  of  perfect  happiness.  We  were  going  home 
with  a  record  that  none  could  surpass  and  few 
commands  could  equal.  We  were  the  first  regi 
ment  from  Wisconsin,  and  I  believe  the  first  in  the 
army,  to  reenlist. 

At  Madison  the  arms  were  stored,  and  the  men 
scattered  to  their  homes  to  enjoy  their  thirty-days' 
furlough.  I  was  just  in  time  to  take  part  in  a  New 
Year's  dance,  and  go  home  in  the  morning  on  the 
coldest  day  ever  known  in  Wisconsin. 

The  month  of  January,  1 864,  which  we  spent 
in  Wisconsin,  was  a  season  of  continuous  festivi 
ties.  The  only  drawback  was  the  extreme  cold, 
which  to  us  who  had  just  come  from  the  South, 
seemed  more  severe  than  it  had  ever  been  be 
fore.  Everyone  seemed  to  be  determined  to  give 

[  104] 


RECRUITING 

the  returned  soldiers  the  best  time  of  their  lives. 
Some  of  the  croakers  thought  it  too  gay  for  people 
who  were  engaged  in  a  death  struggle  for  the  life 
of  the  Nation.  Those  of  us,  however,  who  had 
been  at  the  front,  were  disposed  to  be  merry  while 
we  could,  and  leave  the  future  to  care  for  itself. 
Recruiting  was  going  on  all  the  time.  Our  vet 
erans  proved  the  best  recruiting  officers  in  the  State. 
They  brought  in  their  brothers  and  cousins,  school 
mates  and  friends,  so  that  when  we  were  ready  to 
return  once  more  to  the  south,  we  had  added  300 
men  to  our  rolls,  picked  from  the  very  flower  of 
Wisconsin's  citizenry. 

On  February  2  the  veterans  of  the  Regiment  as 
sembled  at  Madison.  On  the  4th  we  were  again 
on  our  way  south,  and  reached  Tullahoma  the 
night  of  the  9th.  On  the  1 2th  we  started  out  for 
Fayetteville,  the  seat  of  Lincoln  County,  Tennes 
see,  where  we  arrived  at  noon  on  the  following  day. 
On  our  way  we  passed  through  Lynchburg,  where 
there  was  pointed  out  to  us  the  house,  or  rather  the 
ruins  of  the  house,  which  was  said  to  have  been 
the  birthplace  of  Davy  Crockett.  At  Mulberry, 
a  little  farther  on,  I  met  a  middle-aged  citizen  who 

[105] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

said  that  he  had  never  known  what  a  United 
States  flag  looked  like  until  he  had  seen  one  car 
ried  by  our  soldiers  in  this  war. 

Reorganizing  Lincoln  County 

Lincoln  County  was  one  of  the  richest,  as  well 
as  the  most  violent  of  Secession  counties  in  Ten 
nessee.  Its  people  boasted  that  it  had  cast  2,500 
votes  for  Secession,  and  not  one  for  the  Union; 
the  few  Union  men  in  the  county  had  not  dared  to 
go  to  the  polls.  A  few  months  previous  to  our 
coming  a  small  detachment  of  Northern  troops 
had  been  captured  there  by  guerrillas.  The 
prisoners  had  been  taken  to  the  bank  of  the  Elk 
River  and  three  of  them  deliberately  mur 
dered.  A  fourth  had  only  escaped  by  leaping 
into  the  river  and  swimming  off  in  the  confusion. 
When  he  had  reported  the  matter  to  headquarters, 
Colonel  Ketcham  of  the  One  Hundred  Fiftieth 
New  York  had  been  sent  to  collect  an  assessment 
of  $30,000  from  the  citizens  of  the  county  for  the 
benefit  of  the  families  of  the  murdered  soldiers. 

Our  mission  in  Lincoln  County  was  to  hunt 

down  the  guerrillas  who  infested  it,  and  to  care  for 

[106] 


ADMINISTERING  JUSTICE 

the  refugees  from  Chattanooga  and  other  places 
in  the  rear  of  the  army,  who  had  lost  their  means  of 
gaining  a  livelihood.  We  supported  the  refugees 
by  forced  levies  of  corn  and  bacon  from  the 
wealthy  planters  of  the  vicinity,  while  our 
mounted  force  soon  disposed  of  the  guerrillas, 
capturing  a  number  and  frightening  the  rest  out 
of  the  county.  We  had  a  novel  way  of  adminis 
tering  justice.  For  instance,  about  two  months 
after  our  arrival  a  number  of  these  young  offenders, 
whose  parents  lived  in  the  vicinity  and  were  sub 
stantial  farmers,  stole  from  a  citizen  mules  valued 
at  $400.  The  Colonel  immediately  assessed  the 
amount  on  the  fathers,  and  with  the  money  thus 
collected  paid  for  the  mules.  That  was  our  pol 
icy  all  through — to  make  the  wealthy  Confed 
erates  pay  for  the  damage  done  by  their  lawless 
colleagues.  And  this  method  had  a  good  effect, 
for  it  soon  put  an  end  to  the  thievery. 

Shortly  after  we  arrived,  our  mounted  men  cap 
tured  a  Confederate  officer  named  Boone,  a  grand 
son  of  the  famous  Daniel.  On  him  was  found  a 
list  of  all  the  guerrillas  in  the  county.  When  I  ex 
amined  him,  he  told  me  that  he  had  been  sent  to 

[107] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

muster  these  fellows  into  the  Confederate  army; 
but  his  plans  were  spoiled.  Instead  he  went  to 
Johnson's  Island,  a  prisoner,  and  his  little  mem 
orandum  book  remained  in  my  possession. 

Among  the  names  on  the  list  were  those  of  two 
Miller  boys,  whose  mother  and  sister  lived  in  town. 
The  Captain  of  our  mounted  men,  and  several 
other  officers,  boarded  with  the  family,  for  the 
people  in  Fayetteville  were  usually  glad  to  take 
in  Union  officers  as  boarders,  in  order  that  they 
might  secure  from  our  rations  the  otherwise  unob 
tainable  luxuries  of  sugar  and  coffee.  Several 
days  after  the  capture  of  Boone's  list,  the  Captain 
brought  in  both  of  the  young  Millers  as  prison 
ers.  They  were  forwarded  to  Corps  headquarters 
at  Tullahoma.  The  elder,  instead  of  being  sent 
North  as  a  prisoner  of  war,  was  tried  by  court 
martial  and  sentenced  to  be  hanged  in  the  public 
square  of  Fayetteville.  That  did  not  suit  some 
of  us;  so  we  found  means  to  send  Mrs.  Miller 
to  Shelbyville,  where  she  secured  Judge  Cooper, 
a  well-known  Unionist  and  former  member  of 
Congress,  to  go  to  Washington,  and  lay  the  case 

before  President  Lincoln.     It  was  well  known 

[108] 


REORGANIZING  A     COUNTY 

that  no  death  sentence  was  ever  executed  with  the 
President's  consent,  if  there  was  any  reasonable  ex 
cuse  for  avoiding  it.  His  usual  magnanimity  did 
not  fail  in  this  case,  and  the  boy  was  sent  North 
as  an  ordinary  prisoner  of  war. 

When  the  President's  amnesty  proclamation 
was  issued,  we  were  given  the  duty  of  reorganizing 
Lincoln  County  under  its  provisions.  I  was  ap 
pointed  provost  marshal,  and  in  that  position  ad 
ministered  oaths  of  allegiance  to  several  thousand 
repentant  and  unrepentant  Secessionists.  When 
the  election  was  held,  returns  were  made  to  me, 
and  by  me  tabulated,  and  sent  to  the  military 
governor  at  Nashville.  Commissions  were  then 
issued  by  him  to  the  officials  who  had  been  elected, 
so  that  when  we  left,  the  county  was  ready  to  re 
sume  civil  government. 

In  administering  the  oath  of  allegiance,  the  de 
mand  for  blanks  was  so  great  that  the  ordinary 
sources  could  not  furnish  a  sufficient  supply.  It 
was  necessary,  therefore,  for  me  to  open  a  printing 
office.  So  I  took  possession  of  an  old  printing  es 
tablishment,  and  set  several  men  to  work.  The 

press  was  broken  down  and  the  type  badly  "pi'd" ; 

[  109] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

but  we  soon  had  the  machinery  repaired,  and  by 
combining  the  stock  of  three  printing  offices,  se 
cured  sufficient  type  to  run  our  establishment  with 
success. 

In  addition  to  these  other  duties,  I  had  to  listen 
to  everyone  in  the  county  who  sought  redress  for  a 
grievance  of  any  kind.  Some  had  had  horses 
taken  by  our  army,  or  by  bushwhackers ;  some  had 
been  robbed  of  money  or  other  valuables;  some 
wanted  permits  to  carry  firearms,  which  were  of 
course  never  granted ;  and  others  needed  assistance 
from  the  Government  to  keep  from  starving.  One 
man  came  with  a  case  parallel  to  that  of  the 
woman  who  wanted  a  "pass  to  raise  geese."  He 
wanted  a  "pass  to  raise  a  crup."  I  told  him  to  go 
on  and  raise  his  crop,  or  do  whatever  he  pleased, 
so  long  as  he  remained  loyal  to  the  Government. 
He  said  his  neighbors  had  told  him  he  could  not 
raise  a  crop  without  a  permit  from  the  Federals, 
and  that  every  man  who  took  the  oath  of  allegiance 
was  branded  in  the  forehead  with  the  letters 
"U.  S." 

One  day  a  woman  came  to  me,  who  said  she 

had  heard  that  we  paid  $1 0,000  to  the  widows  of 

[no] 


REORGANIZING  A  COUNTY 

men  killed  by  guerrillas.  I  explained  to  her  that 
we  had  done  that  only  for  the  widows  of  three 
Union  soldiers.  I  told  her,  however,  that  if  she 
could  give  me  any  information  about  where  the 
guerrillas  could  be  found,  we  would  capture  and 
punish  them.  She  said  she  did  not  know,  but  that 
she  had  heard  some  shots  in  the  woods.  She  had 
not  seen  her  man  since,  and  she  was  sure  they  had 
killed  him.  After  parleying  awhile  she  started 
out  of  the  door.  But  before  she  went  out,  she 
turned  and  called  back  to  me,  "That  ai'nt  the 
wust  of  't;  they  stole  my  old  mare,  too!" 

When  we  first  arrived  at  Fayetteville  not  a  per 
son  was  to  be  seen  on  the  streets,  although  before 
the  war  it  had  been  a  place  of  2,000  inhabitants. 
There  was  not  a  vestige  of  any  kind  of  business 
left  in  the  town.  Even  the  stores  and  taverns  were 
vacant.  The  people  soon  made  their  appearance, 
however,  when  they  found  that  we  had  come  to 
stay,  and  before  very  long  we  had  established  the 
most  friendly  relations  with  them.  By  the  time  we 
were  ready  to  leave,  almost  every  family  in  town 
had  its  friends  among  the  soldiers.  They  were 

very  sociable,  and  always  seemed  glad  to  have  the 

[in] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

Federal  officers  call  on  them.  The  young  ladies 
would  sing  and  play  the  piano  beautifully,  and 
make  things  quite  homelike  for  us  after  the  routine 
of  the  day's  work.  Twenty  years  later,  while 
passing  through  Fayetteville  on  my  way  to  At 
lanta,  I  received  courtesies  from  a  citizen  who  only 
knew  me  by  reputation  as  one  of  the  officers  of  the 
Third  Wisconsin. 

It  was  curious  to  see  what  a  difference  slavery 
had  made  in  the  social  life  of  these  people.  Every 
where  work  was  considered  disgraceful  for  a 
white  man,  and  as  only  the  occupation  of  the 
"nigger."  In  order  to  succeed  socially,  it  was 
necessary  to  own  slaves.  The  idea  of  hiring 
labor,  or  of  being  rich  without  negroes,  was  ap 
parently  incomprehensible.  And  in  fact  it  was 
true  that  all  of  the  people  who  had  obtained  any 
sort  of  success,  intellectually  or  otherwise,  had 
owned  slaves. 

Most  of  the  men  who  resided  in  the  vicinity  had 
served  in  the  Confederate  army.  Some  had  been 
discharged  on  account  of  wounds  or  sickness,  while 
others,  and  probably  most  of  them,  had  deserted 
when  they  became  sure  that  the  fight  was  hopeless. 

[112] 


REORGANIZING  A  COUNTY 

My  office  was  a  common  resort  for  these  people 
after  they  had  taken  the  oath  of  amnesty.  They 
would  sit  around  by  the  hour,  and  spin  their  yams 
about  the  Confederate  service.  The  recent  desert 
ers  had  to  be  sent  to  headquarters  at  Tullahoma  for 
examination ;  and  as  we  could  communicate  only 
with  a  strong  escort,  I  would  sometimes  have  half 
a  dozen  of  them  paroled  to  report  to  me  daily  until 
I  could  arrange  to  send  on  a  party. 

In  all  my  dealings  with  these  people,  I  found 
scarcely  any  who  really  desired  the  success  of  the 
Union  cause.  There  were  plenty  of  them,  prob 
ably  the  majority,  who  thought  the  Confederacy  a 
failure,  and  wished  to  get  back  into  the  Union  on 
the  best  possible  terms;  but  they  still  clung  to  their 
old  ideas.  However,  that  did  not  interfere  with 
our  friendship  and  the  good  time  that  we  had 
while  we  were  there.  And  when  the  day  at 
length  came  when  we  were  obliged  to  leave,  I 
think  that  they  really  were,  as  they  professed  to  be, 
sorry  at  our  going.  And  well  they  might  be,  for 
the  regiment  of  Tennessee  Union  Cavalry,  that 
occupied  the  town  after  we  left,  proceeded  at  once 
to  kill  several  of  the  most  prominent  men  who  had 
8  [113] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

not  taken  the  amnesty  oath,  and  at  least  one  who 
had. 

On  the  morning  of  April  28,  1864,  we  said 
farewell  to  our  Fayetteville  friends  and  started  out 
on  the  campaign  which  a  year  later  was  to  end  at 
Raleigh,  North  Carolina,  with  the  surrender  of 
Johnston's  army  and  the  end  of  the  war.  With  us 
was  a  company  of  Tennessee  Union  Cavalry,  com 
manded  by  Captain  Brixey,  which  had  been  sent 
to  Lincoln  County  to  hunt  bushwhackers.  On 
leaving  Fayetteville  they  had  taken  a  horse  be 
longing  to  Judge  Chilcote,  a  prominent  citizen, 
who  had  been  of  much  assistance  to  me  in  the 
provost  marshal's  office  in  restoring  civil  govern 
ment,  and  who  had  at  the  election  been  chosen 
county  clerk.  The  Judge  followed  us,  and  asked 
to  have  his  horse  restored.  Colonel  Hawley  of 
our  Regiment  at  once  compelled  Captain  Brixey  to 
give  it  up.  He  did  so  with  apparent  reluctance, 
and  then  secretly  sent  a  number  of  his  men  over  a 
by-road  to  intercept  the  Judge  on  his  return  and 
kill  him.  This  cowardly  deed  accomplished,  the 
men  rejoined  their  command.  Brixey  then  pushed 
on  ahead  to  Tullahoma,  and  on  the  next  day  left 

[114] 


A  NEW  CORPS 

for  the  mountains  of  East  Tennessee.  The  mur 
der  was  reported  to  us  that  night.  The  Colonel 
sent  back  Captain  Gardner  with  his  mounted  men 
to  investigate,  but  the  murderers  had  fled  as  soon 
as  their  deed  became  known,  and  nothing  more 
could  be  done.  After  this  outrage,  Brixey  never 
dared  to  rejoin  our  army.  Some  time  later  he 
was  killed  by  Confederates  in  northwestern 
Georgia. 

During  our  stay  at  Fayetteville  our  Corps  and 
the  old  Eleventh  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
were  consolidated,  and  became  known  as  the 
Twentieth  Corps  of  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland. 
The  command  was  given  to  General  Hooker. 
Our  portion  of  the  army  would  very  much  have 
preferred  General  H.  W.  Slocum,  who  was  sent 
to  Vicksburg.  In  the  reorganization  we  became 
the  Second  Brigade  of  the  First  Division,  with 
General  Thomas  H.  Ruger  commanding  the 
Brigade  and  General  A.  S.  Williams  command 
ing  the  Division.  At  the  suggestion  of  the  offi 
cers  of  the  Eleventh  Corps,  our  old  badge,  the  five- 
pointed  star,  was  retained  as  the  badge  of  the  new 
corps. 

[115] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

Opening  of  the  Atlanta  Campaign 

Our  Regiment  reached  Tullahoma  on  April  30, 
to  find  that  the  rest  of  our  Brigade  had  already 
gone  to  the  front.  We  started  out  on  the  next  day 
to  join  them,  and  on  May  4  crossed  the  Tennessee 
River  at  Bridgeport.  On  the  7th  we  passed  over 
the  battle-field  of  Chickamauga,  where  signs  of  the 
conflict  were  still  everywhere  in  evidence.  On 
the  night  of  the  8th  we  crossed  the  mountains  by 
way  of  Nickajack  Pass,  and  joined  our  Brigade 
at  daylight  the  next  morning.  This  passage  over 
the  mountains  was  interesting.  The  night  was  ex 
tremely  dark  and  perfectly  quiet.  The  men  in 
charge  of  the  wagon  train  had  placed  lighted 
candles  on  the  rocks  along  the  road,  at  intervals  of 
about  a  hundred  feet,  in  order  to  guide  themselves 
and  those  who  came  after.  These  were  still  flick 
ering  when  we  came  along. 

Our  march  to  Atlanta  was  now  well  under  way. 
The  enemy  continually  fell  back,  and  in  most 
cases  without  offering  serious  resistance.  The 
three  armies  of  General  Sherman,  marching  in 
parallel  lines,  seemed  to  be  able  to  carry  every- 

[116] 


ATLANTA    CAMPAIGN 

thing  before  them.  On  the  10th  we  again 
crossed  the  mountains  at  Snake  Creek  Gap,  going 
into  camp  on  the  other  side  until  the  13th.  On 
the  night  of  the  10th  we  were  visited  by  a  tre 
mendous  wind  and  rain  storm,  which  blew  down 
our  tents,  and  raised  the  water  in  the  creek  so  high 
that  we  had  to  move  our  camp  or  be  drowned. 
At  about  this  time,  also,  an  order  was  read  to  the 
troops  announcing  the  great  success  of  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac  in  the  opening  battles  of  the  final 
campaign  against  Richmond. 

On  the  1 4th  we  were  moved  to  the  extreme  left 
to  support  General  Howard,  who  was  there  en 
gaged  with  the  enemy.  We  arrived  at  about 
sundown,  just  as  the  Confederates  were  driving  in 
a  brigade  of  the  Fourth  Corps  and  threatening  to 
capture  a  battery  of  artillery.  As  we  moved  for 
ward  in  line  of  battle,  ready  to  receive  the  ad 
vancing  enemy,  General  Williams  called  out  to  the 
fleeing  soldiers  of  the  Fourth  Corps  to  get  back 
out  of  the  way,  for  he  had  a  division  there  from 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  that  would  protect  them. 
All  of  which  goes  to  show  that  even  major-gen 
erals  are  human,  and  when  they  get  a  chance  like 

[117] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

to  exult  over  their  rivals.  We  checked  the  ad 
vance  of  the  enemy  without  much  trouble. 

At  about  noon  on  the  1 5th,  General  Butterfield, 
with  our  Third  Division,  moved  forward  to  attack 
an  earthwork  and  a  four-gun  battery,  which  the 
enemy  held  in  his  front.  We  moved  forward  on 
the  left  to  support  him;  and  encountering  little  op 
position  at  first,  advanced  somewhat  farther  than 
the  Third  Division.  We  took  position  in  the  edge 
of  a  woods,  where  we  made  use  of  a  rail  fence  and 
some  logs  to  build  a  breastwork  in  anticipation  of 
an  attack,  which  the  skirmish  firing  in  front  warned 
us  was  coming.  We  soon  had  sight  of  the  ad 
vancing  enemy.  A  few  volleys  from  us,  how 
ever,  and  they  broke  and  ran.  In  a  short  time 
they  again  came  up,  with  a  new  line.  We  dis 
posed  of  that  almost  as  quickly  as  the  first.  A 
third  time  they  repeated  the  attempt,  and  again  we 
beat  them  back. 

Now  came  the  order  to  pursue.  My  Company, 
and  the  companies  on  my  right,  moved  forward 
about  two  hundred  yards  in  the  woods.  Sud 
denly  we  found  that  we  were  on  the  flank  of  a 

Brigade  that  was  still  stubbornly  fighting  with 

[118] 


AN   INCIDENT  OF  WAR 

troops  of  the  Twenty-Third  Corps  and  the  left 
companies  of  our  Regiment.  They  were  in  a 
peach  orchard,  the  nearest  of  them  not  fifty  yards 
away.  I  hastily  wheeled  my  Company,  and 
Company  H  to  the  left,  and  opened  fire.  At  such 
short  range,  and  in  such  a  crowd,  every  shot  must 
have  counted.  The  Confederates  did  not  wait 
for  much,  but  skedaddled  as  fast  as  their  legs  could 
carry  them. 

Just  as  the  last  of  them  were  disappearing  from 
sight,  I  saw  a  man  in  Confederate  uniform  come 
running  toward  my  Company,  hatless,  but  with  gun 
in  hand.  I  supposed  that  he  was  coming  in  to 
give  himself  up.  He  came  within  twenty  yards 
of  us,  then  apparently  noticed  for  the  first  time 
that  we  were  Yankees.  He  immediately  started 
to  run  back.  I  called  to  him  to  surrender,  but  it 
only  increased  his  speed.  Finding  that  he  did 
not  stop,  two  of  my  men  fired  at  him,  and  both  hit 
him.  He  fell  dead  almost  instantly  upon  the 
field.  I  went  forward  then  and  examined  him. 
He  was  a  mere  boy,  not  over  twenty  years  of  age. 
In  his  pocket  we  found  his  order,  not  two  weeks 
old,  from  the  conscript  officer  of  his  district,  noti- 

[119] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

fying  him  to  join  the  army.  I  have  seen  fields  of 
battle  in  front  of  our  Regiment,  covered  over  with 
the  dead,  without  experiencing  the  pang  of  regret 
that  I  felt  for  this  poor  lad  who,  scarcely  out  from 
home,  and  too  frightened  and  confused  to  know 
what  to  do,  thus  sadly  met  his  fate. 

The  loss  of  our  Regiment  in  this  fight  was  one 
killed  and  thirty-one  wounded.  Many  of  the 
wounded  subsequently  died,  among  them  Rev 
erend  John  M.  Springer,  the  Chaplain  of  the 
Regiment.  When  drafted  in  1863,  he  had  been 
a  Methodist  minister  in  Monroe,  Wisconsin.  Be 
lieving  this  to  be  a  call  of  duty  he  had  refused  to 
allow  his  church  to  secure  a  substitute,  and  had  re 
ported  at  Madison  for  service.  When  our  Regi 
ment  was  about  to  leave  Wisconsin  for  the  front, 
after  the  veteran  furlough,  we  officers  had  been  in 
troduced  to  him  in  the  Executive  Chamber  at  the 
Capitol,  where  we  had  assembled  on  the  invitation 
of  the  Governor.  When  sent  for,  Springer  had 
been  found  doing  sentinel  duty  before  the  gate  of 
Camp  Randall.  We  had  elected  him  Chaplain, 
and  he  had  joined  us  at  Fayetteville  as  soon  as  he 
could  secure  his  discharge  as  a  private.  On  the 

[  120] 


CONFEDERATES  DISCOURAGED 

morning  of  the  battle,  when  the  prospects  seemed 
good  for  a  lively  fight,  he  had  come  to  me  and 
asked  for  a  musket  and  some  ammunition,  for  he 
did  not  wish  to  be  lurking  in  the  rear  while  we 
were  in  danger  at  the  front.  At  my  suggestion, 
he  had  previously  posted  himself  in  the  tactics,  so  I 
now  told  him  to  take  the  place  of  a  Lieutenant  in 
my  Company.  He  was  the  first  man  hit,  and  died 
in  the  hospital  a  few  days  later. 

By  a  strange  coincidence,  our  picket  found  on 
the  field  in  our  front  the  dead  body  of  the  Chap 
lain  of  the  Georgia  Regiment  with  which  we  had 
been  engaged.  We  were  told  by  some  of  the 
wounded  prisoners  that  he  had  been  shot  in  coming 
up  to  recover  the  body  of  his  son,  a  captain  in  the 
Regiment,  who  had  been  killed  early  in  the  fight. 

In  this  battle,  for  the  first  time  in  my  experience, 
Confederate  soldiers  who  might  have  escaped 
came  in  and  gave  themselves  up  as  prisoners.  I 
think  as  many  as  forty  did  this.  They  were  all 
thoroughly  discouraged,  and  the  same  feeling 
seems  to  have  run  through  their  whole  army,  for 
they  were  more  quickly  and  easily  beaten  than  I 
had  ever  seen  them  before. 

[121] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

It  was  understood  on  our  part  that  in  order  to 
give  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  time  to  get  below 
Resaca  and  cut  off  their  retreat,  we  were  not  to 
push  the  attack  against  the  enemy.  They  were 
too  quick  for  us,  however;  the  next  morning  they 
had  abandoned  Resaca,  leaving  behind  them  six 
heavy  guns  and  large  quantities  of  provisions  and 
ammunition. 

On  the  1 9th  we  came  up  to  them  again  at  Cass- 
ville,  where  we  drove  them  into  their  entrenched 
lines  and  occupied  the  town.  We  expected  a 
fight  in  the  morning,  but  once  more  they  were  gone, 
this  time  across  the  Etowah  River.  After  a  rest 
of  four  days  at  Cassville,  we  again  went  forward, 
crossing  the  Etowah  on  a  pontoon  bridge  without 
resistance. 

On  the  25th  we  had  nearly  reached  Dallas 
when  we  were  turned  back  to  assist  General 
Geary,  who  had  encountered  a  division  of  Hood's 
Corps,  entrenched  on  the  Marietta  road  to  our  left, 
at  a  place  called  New  Hope  Church.  On  our 
arrival  we  found  that  Geary's  Division  had  al 
ready  pushed  back  the  enemy's  skirmishers  until 
the  latter  were  thought  to  be  in  their  main  line  of 

[122] 


UNDER  FIRE 

works,  from  which  position  we  were  ordered  to 
drive  them.  The  country  was  heavily  timbered, 
and  underbrush  so  obscured  the  view  that  it  was 
impossible  to  see  in  any  direction  more  than  a  few 
rods.  When  we  came  within  sight  of  the  enemy 
we  found  that  a  six-gun  battery  was  posted  a  little 
in  front  of  their  line  of  infantry.  The  latter 
awaited  us  behind  a  breastwork,  evidently  hastily 
constructed  of  logs  and  earth,  nevertheless  afford 
ing  fairly  good  shelter.  As  soon  as  we  came 
within  range,  the  battery  opened  on  us  with  round 
shot  and  shell;  then,  as  we  came  nearer,  with 
grape  and  canister.  But  we  pushed  steadily  on 
until  we  were  less  than  sixty  yards  from  them, 
when  we  halted;  for  we  had  lost  so  many  men, 
and  had  become  so  disorganized  in  the  march 
through  the  timber  and  brush  that  the  impetus  of 
our  charge  was  gone.  The  regiments  on  both 
sides  of  us  had  already  done  the  same.  We 
sheltered  ourselves  as  well  as  we  could,  behind 
trees  and  fallen  timber,  and  opened  fire  on  their 
battery,  receiving  a  hot  fire  in  return  from  their 
infantry.  We  succeeded,  however,  in  driving  off 
the  Confederate  gunners,  and  prevented  the  can- 

[  123  ]. 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

non  from  being  worked  for  the  remainder  of  the 
day. 

Wounded  and  in  Hospital 

When  we  had  first  come  within  range  of  the 
grape-shot,  my  scabbard  had  been  struck  and  cut 
in  two  at  a  point  just  below  where  I  grasped  it 
with  my  left  hand.  Later,  when  my  men  had 
sheltered  themselves  and  had  commenced  firing, 
I  was  again  struck.  I  was  at  the  time  resting  on 
one  knee  in  a  position  where  I  could  watch  the 
battery,  and  direct  our  fire  upon  it,  for  I  was  de 
termined  that  the  enemy  should  not  have  an  op 
portunity  to  take  it  away  so  long  as  we  had  a 
chance  to  capture  it.  My  attention  had  just  been 
called  to  something  on  the  left,  when  a  bullet 
struck  the  front  of  my  cap,  cutting  the  figure  "3" 
out  of  the  bugle,  and  glancing  from  the  bone,  cut 
a  gash  across  my  forehead.  For  a  time  I  lost  all 
interest  in  that  battle.  When  I  regained  my  feet, 
Colonel  Hawley,  who  was  standing  near,  told  me 
to  get  back  to  the  hospital.  I  succeeded  in  find 
ing  my  way  to  a  small  ravine  that  we  had  crossed, 
thinking  as  I  got  back  of  the  line,  that  there  were 

[124] 


WOUNDED 

a  thousand  bullets  flying,  to  every  one  nearer 
the  front.  At  the  small  brook  in  the  ravine,  I 
tried  to  wash  off  the  blood  which  was  blinding 
me,  but  had  such  poor  success  that  I  concluded 
to  follow  the  Colonel's  advice  and  have  the  wound 
dressed.  I  considered  it  not  much  of  a  clip,  and 
thought  that  in  three  days  at  the  most  I  would  be 
back  with  my  company.  It  was  about  two  months 
before  I  rejoined,  and  a  good  many  years  before  I 
entirely  recovered. 

On  my  way  back  to  the  hospital,  I  met  in  suc 
cession  General  Williams  who  commanded  the 
Division,  General  Hooker  who  commanded  the 
Corps,  General  Thomas  who  commanded  the 
Army  of  the  Cumberland,  and  General  Sher 
man  who  commanded  the  Department.  Each 
stopped  and  asked  if  I  was  much  hurt — when  I 
told  that  it  was  only  a  scratch,  they  were  eager 
for  information  as  to  the  situation  at  the  front.  I 
explained  that  we  had  driven  the  artillerymen 
from  their  guns,  but  that  the  infantry  in  their 
breastworks  had  been  too  much  for  us.  Then  each 
kindly  told  me  to  go  to  the  hospital. 

At  the  hospital  I  found  Dr.  Conley,  our  Regi- 
[125] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

mental  Surgeon,  who  dressed  my  wound  and  gave 
me  a  blanket  to  lie  down  on.  I  got  away  to  one 
side  and  tried  to  sleep,  but  the  Doctor  disturbed  me 
so  often  to  look  at  my  wound  that  this  was  im 
possible.  I  finally  lost  all  patience  with  him  and 
ordered  him  to  let  me  alone ;  but  he  afterwards  ex 
plained  that  he  feared  I  would  go  to  sleep  and 
wake  up  in  the  next  world. 

This  fight  is  known  in  the  North  as  the  Battle 
of  Dallas,  or  the  Battle  of  Pumpkinvine  Creek,  and 
in  the  South  as  the  Battle  of  New  Hope  Church. 
In  the  engagement,  our  Regiment  lost  eighteen 
men  killed  and  ninety-two  wounded.  This  loss 
was  quite  unevenly  distributed  among  the  com 
panies.  Mine  had  sixteen  men  severely  wounded, 
two  of  whom  subsequently  died.  Company  A, 
on  my  left,  had  six  men  killed  and  twenty-one 
wounded.  Captain  Hunter  of  Company  F  was 
wounded  by  a  canister  shot,  in  one  of  his  legs  near 
the  knee-joint,  and  died  shortly  after.  Captain 
Ruger  of  the  Brigade  staff  also  received  a  severe 
wound  in  the  knee,  which  incapacitated  him  for 
further  service  during  the  war. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  day  following  the  bat- 

[126] 


WOUNDED 

tie,  I  thought  I  was  strong  enough  to  go  back  to  my 
Regiment.  So  I  started  out,  against  the  protests  of 
the  surgeons;  but  after  going  about  a  quarter  of  a 
mile,  my  legs  gave  out,  and  I  was  obliged  to  return 
and  obey  directions.  I  remained  at  the  field  hos 
pital  for  about  three  and  a  half  days.  During 
most  of  that  time  the  surgeons  were  busy  at  the 
amputating  table.  On  the  morning  of  the  29th  all 
of  the  slightly  wounded  were  sent  off  with  the 
wagon  train.  The  more  seriously  wounded  were 
sent  off  late  in  the  afternoon  in  the  ambulances. 
Captains  Hunter,  Ruger,  and  I  went  in  the  same 
ambulance,  I  was  on  the  seat  with  the  driver. 

At  Kingston,  where  we  arrived  on  the  30th, 
a  long  train  of  freight  cars  for  the  slightly 
wounded,  and  hospitals  cars  for  the  severely 
wounded  was  waiting,  ready  to  start  for  Chatta 
nooga.  Captain  Hunter  was,  however,  too  ill  to 
go,  and  I  would  not  leave  him,  so  we  waited  over 
together  until  June  2.  The  ride  to  Chattanooga 
was  a  very  severe  one  for  poor  Hunter,  and  he  ap 
peared  to  be  much  the  worse  for  it.  He  recovered 
temporarily  under  the  careful  treatment  at  Chatta 
nooga,  of  Doctor  Persons  of  the  First  Wisconsin 

[127] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

Cavalry,  but  on  June  8  began  to  sink  rapidly,  and 
died  on  the  afternoon  of  the  following  day. 

My  wound  was  not  dangerous,  yet  it  was  ser 
ious  enough  to  entitle  me  to  a  leave  of  absence.  I 
took  advantage  of  it  to  return  for  a  pleasant  week 
to  my  Wisconsin  home;  then  rejoined  my  Regi 
ment  near  the  Chattahoochee  River  on  July  17. 
During  my  absence  it  had  followed  the  fortunes 
of  the  Twentieth  Corps,  having  had  no  hard  fight 
ing  and  but  few  casualties  on  the  picket  line.  The 
term  of  service  of  the  men  who  had  not  reenlisted 
had  expired  on  June  29,  and  they  had  been  mus 
tered  out.  The  officers  in  the  various  regiments, 
however,  who  wished  to  be  mustered  out,  found 
themselves  conscripted  for  a  longer  term.  Their 
applications  had  been  approved  until  they  had 
reached  General  Thomas ;  but  he  had  forwarded 
them  to  Washington  with  recommendations  for 
dishonorable  discharge.  Discovering  this  danger, 
the  officers  had  withdrawn  their  applications.  A 
number  in  the  Twenty-Ninth  Pennsylvania  had, 
however,  been  dishonorably  discharged  under 
such  circumstances,  and  at  the  time  this  seemed  to 

us  an  injustice. 

[128! 


HEAVY  LOSSES 

The  Siege  of  Atlanta 

On  the  day  that  I  rejoined  the  Regiment  the 
army  moved  forward  across  the  Chattahoochee 
River.  During  the  next  three  days  a  farther  ad 
vance  was  made  across  Peach  Tree  Creek,  and 
we  were  now  but  a  few  miles  from  the  fortifica 
tions  of  Atlanta.  On  the  afternoon  of  the  20th, 
General  Hood,  the  new  Confederate  commander 
who  had  succeeded  Johnston,  came  out  of  his  en 
trenchments  and  made  a  furious  attack  on  our 
lines.  The  brunt  of  it  fell  on  our  Corps,  which 
was  somewhat  in  advance  of  the  others.  Our 
Regiment  being  in  the  second  line  was  not  en 
gaged,  for  the  first  line  repulsed  the  enemy  along 
the  entire  front.  The  fighting  was  very  severe, 
the  Confederates  coming  up  to  the  attack  again 
and  again.  The  loss  in  our  Corps  was  about 
2,000  killed  and  wounded;  that  of  the  enemy 
must  have  been  double  that  number. 

On  the  night  of  the  21st  I  went  on  picket  duty 
with  instructions  to  advance  my  picket  line  if  pos 
sible,  for  the  enemy's  pickets  were  so  close  that 
their  stray  bullets  were  causing  much  annoyance 
9  [129] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

in  our  camp.  We  were  not  very  successful  during 
the  night;  but  in  the  morning,  when  the  whole 
Brigade  picket  line  under  Major  Smith  of  the 
One  Hundred  Fiftieth  New  York,  moved  for 
ward,  the  enemy  had  disappeared.  As  was  now 
becoming  quite  usual,  a  number  of  their  men  re 
mained  behind  to  be  taken  prisoners. 

Major  Smith's  orders  were  to  advance  until  he 
found  the  enemy.  So  we  slowly  pushed  forward 
through  their  strong  but  abandoned  works,  and  en 
countered  no  serious  opposition  until  within  about 
a  mile  of  their  fortifications  immediately  surround 
ing  the  city.  We  met  their  picket  line  on  a  hill, 
and  drove  it  back  a  half  mile,  but  they  brought 
out  against  us  such  a  strong  force  that  we  in  turn 
were  obliged  to  fall  back,  taking  our  stand  on  the 
hills  where  we  had  first  met  their  pickets.  From 
this  position  they  did  not  seriously  attempt  to  dis 
lodge  us. 

From  our  vantage  we  could  see  all  of  their 
manceuvers.  Apparently  there  were  not  more 
than  2,000  or  3,000  troops  to  prevent  our  entry 
into  the  city.  I  have  always  believed  that  if  there 
had  been  someone  high  enough  in  command  to 

[130] 


SIEGE  OF  ATLANTA 

have  used  the  troops  where  I  was  that  day,  At 
lanta  could  have  been  captured  much  more  easily 
than  it  was  six  weeks  later.  At  about  six  o'clock 
our  Corps  came  up,  and  our  picket  line,  once  more 
moving  forward,  drove  the  Confederate  skirmish 
ers  to  within  two  hundred  yards  of  their  forts. 

The  next  day  a  battery  of  twenty-pound  parrot 
guns  was  planted  on  the  hill  and  commenced 
throwing  shells  into  the  city  over  our  heads.  The 
enemy  replied  with  spirit,  and  we  received  many 
of  their  compliments  that  were  intended  for  the 
battery.  Our  men  protected  themselves  by  throw 
ing  up  an  earthwork  in  front  of  the  camp,  with  a 
ditch  behind  it  wide  enough  and  deep  enough  to 
shelter  all  in  case  of  necessity.  The  officers  all 
had  heavy  earth  barricades  built  in  front  of  their 
tents,  and  these  furnished  fairly  good  protection. 

I  remember  to  have  been  one  night  in  the  Col 
onel's  tent  when  the  shells  were  flying  pretty 
lively.  We  were  just  discussing  whether  his  em 
bankment  would  stop  a  shell,  when  one  came 
along  and  buried  itself  in  the  ground  a  little  in 
front  without  exploding.  The  Colonel  went  out 
and  found  that  it  had  gone  two  feet  into  the 

[131] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

ground.  One  of  the  other  officers  present  ex 
pressed  the  opinion  that  it  would  have  gone 
through  the  breastwork  if  it  had  struck  properly. 
The  words  were  scarcely  out  of  his  mouth  when 
another  shell  struck  the  work,  penetrating  about 
two-thirds  of  the  way,  and  exploding  without 
damage. 

At  another  time  we  were  not  so  fortunate.  A 
shell  struck  the  barricade  of  Captain  Orton  of 
Company  K,  passed  through,  and  exploded  in  the 
tent,  mortally  wounding  him  and  seriously  wound 
ing  Lieutenants  Barager,  Blanchard,  and 
Schweers,  who  were  with  him.  Lieutenant  Bar 
ager  served  until  the  end  of  the  war;  but  a  few 
years  after  its  close,  he  became,  as  a  consequence 
of  that  shock,  a  physical  and  mental  wreck. 

The  enemy's  sharpshooters  were  close  enough 
to  us  to  keep  dropping  their  bullets  incessantly 
into  our  camp.  It  was  at  first  rather  annoying  to 
have  them  come  pattering  around  whenever  any 
one  moved,  but  in  time  we  became  so  accustomed 
to  the  missiles,  that  we  went  about  our  ordinary 
business  as  though  there  were  no  Confederates 
within  forty  miles.  On  one  occasion  the  Thir- 


SIEGE  OF  ATLANTA 

teenth  New  Jersey  went  out  in  front  of  the  line  and 
captured  thirty-five  of  the  enemy's  pickets,  and 
burned  the  houses  where  the  marksmen  had  been 
stationed. 

On  July  28  General  Hooker  was  at  his  own 
request  relieved  of  the  command  of  our  Corps. 
He  had  taken  offence  at  being  jumped  by  General 
Howard  for  the  command  of  the  Army  of  the 
Tennessee,  after  the  death  of  General  McPher- 
son  in  the  battle  of  July  22.  I  do  not  believe  that 
the  highest  officers  generally  sympathized  with 
Hooker,  but  the  Corps  as  a  whole  felt  that  his  loss 
was  a  serious  blow.  He  had  large  personal  influ 
ence  on  his  troops.  During  an  active  campaign, 
virtually  every  soldier  in  his  Corps  saw  him  almost 
daily.  If  there  was  a  picket  line  to  be  established, 
he  personally  examined  it;  if  an  assault  was 
made  on  the  enemy,  he  was  with  the  foremost,  al 
ways  brave  to  the  extreme  of  recklessness.  He 
was,  moreover,  careful  of  the  welfare  of  his  men. 
He  made  his  commissaries  attend  strictly  to  busi 
ness,  and  his  Corps  would  often  be  furnished  with 
the  delicacies  of  army  rations  when  others  were 
short  or  had  nothing  but  hardtack  and  salt  pork. 

[133] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

It  was  a  common  remark  all  through  the  army 
that  Joe  Hooker  fed  his  men  the  best,  and  fought 
them  the  best,  of  any  of  the  corps  commanders. 
Of  course  his  men  worshipped  him  and  under  him 
were  invincible;  for  the  same  reason  the  enemy 
dreaded  him  worse  than  anything  else  mortal. 

The  newspapers  of  the  day  said  that  the  ap 
pointment  of  General  Howard  was  the  work  of 
President  Lincoln.  But  it  was  reported  in  the 
Corps,  that  General  Sherman  had  been  the  prime 
mover.  It  was  freely  whispered  among  us  that 
Sherman,  with  all  his  great  talents  and  acknowl 
edged  ability,  was  affected  with  the  same  weak 
ness  that  was  said  to  have  troubled  Napoleon — 
the  not  being  able  to  look  with  complacency  on  the 
great  personal  popularity  of  a  subordinate.  Sher 
man  was  reported  to  have  allowed  this  feeling  to 
break  forth  into  positive  insult  of  General  Hooker 
and  his  Corps  in  the  presence  of  subordinates. 
For  instance,  on  the  night  after  the  battle  of  Peach 
Tree  Creek,  before  any  returns  of  casualties  had 
been  made,  Hooker  told  Sherman  that  he  had 
lost  that  day  nearly  2,000  men.  "Oh  pshaw!" 
answered  Sherman,  "that's  nothing;  they'll  all  be 

[134] 


SIEGE  OF  ATLANTA 

back  in  the  morning."  Later  it  was  found  that 
1 ,700  members  of  the  Corps  had  been  killed  or 
wounded,  and  that  they  had  successfully  repulsed 
the  whole  Confederate  army  with  a  reported  loss 
to  the  latter  of  6,000. 

Before  leaving,  General  Hooker  invited  all  the 
colonels  in  the  Corps  to  call  on  him,  and  told 
them  frankly  his  reasons  for  resigning.  He  said 
that  during  the  whole  campaign  he  had  been  sub 
jected  to  unbearable  insults  and  indignities,  and 
his  Corps  and  its  performances  had  been  under 
rated  and  disparaged.  And  now,  to  have  pro 
moted  over  him  a  junior  officer  from  this  Depart 
ment,  whose  rank  and  service  were  far  below  his, 
was  the  last  straw ;  his  reputation  as  a  soldier  and 
his  honor  as  a  man  would  not,  he  said,  admit  of  his 
remaining. 

The  enemy's  picket  line  had  been  temporarily 
quieted  by  the  advance  of  the  Thirteenth  New 
Jersey,  but  was  now  again  annoying  us.  These 
pickets  were  on  a  ridge  about  two  hundred  yards 
in  front  of  their  main  line  of  works,  and  not  more 
than  four  hundred  yards  from  our  camp.  They 
had  lines  of  pits  dug  all  along  their  position  and 

[1351 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

could  at  any  time  communicate  with  their  main 
line.  Our  pickets  were  also  located  in  pits,  but 
could  only  be  relieved  at  night.  It  was  deter 
mined  to  reverse  this  order  of  things.  So  at  day 
light  on  July  30,  at  a  preconcerted  signal,  our 
whole  Brigade  picket  line,  under  command  of 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Morse  of  the  Second  Massa 
chusetts,  jumped  out  of  their  pits,  crossed  the  in 
tervening  space  at  a  run,  and  captured  the  enemy's 
entire  line,  numbering  seven  officers  and  ninety- 
seven  men. 

A  regiment  was  immediately  sent  out  to  reen- 
force  our  men,  and  breastworks  were  hastily 
thrown  up.  From  their  forts  and  main  breast 
works,  the  enemy  poured  into  us  a  shower  of  shot 
and  shell ;  but  our  men  held  their  position  all  day, 
many  of  them  firing  as  much  as  two  hundred 
rounds  of  ammunition.  At  night  the  position  was 
made  impregnable  against  anything  save  a  move 
ment  in  large  force;  and  in  the  morning  the  en 
emy  were  compelled  to  withdraw  their  artillery 
and  close  the  embrasures  of  their  forts. 

For  some  weeks  there  was  not  much  change  in 
the  situation,  so  far  as  we  were  concerned.  There 

[136] 


SIEGE  OF  ATLANTA 

was  much  hard  work  for  the  men  in  the  trenches, 
and  they  were  all  getting  anxious  for  the  capture 
of  Atlanta.  I  believe  nine-tenths  of  them  would 
rather  have  fought  the  matter  out  in  an  open  bat 
tle  than  to  have  kept  on  scraping  and  shoveling 
to  dig  them  out.  It  seemed  to  us  at  the  time  that 
between  our  army  and  that  of  the  Confederates, 
there  had  been  enough  dirt  dug,  from  Louisville 
to  Atlanta,  to  have  built  all  the  railroads  in  the 
United  States. 

For  a  time  in  our  advanced  position,  firing  on 
the  picket  line  was  constant,  and  there  were  many 
casualties.  In  a  week  or  two,  however,  a  sort  of 
truce  was  established,  and  firing  ceased.  Just  be 
fore  I  had  rejoined  my  Regiment  on  the  Chatta- 
hoochee,  our  pickets  had  been  quite  friendly  with 
the  pickets  of  the  enemy.  They  had  traded  coffee 
for  tobacco,  and  had  offered  to  take  letters  and 
send  them  to  Union  prisoners  in  their  hands.  I 
should  at  this  time  have  liked  to  send  a  letter  to  my 
brother.  But  now  they  would  not  go  as  far  as 
that;  nothing  would  induce  them  to  meet  us  be 
tween  the  picket  lines  for  trading;  to  all  our  ad- 

[i37] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

vances  they  replied  that  their  orders  forbade  them 
to  do  so. 

On  August  25  important  changes  were  made 
in  the  disposition  of  our  troops.  Our  Corps  was 
withdrawn  from  before  Atlanta  and  moved  back 
to  the  Chattahoochee  River.  The  rest  of  the 
army  was  moved  around  to  the  south  of  Atlanta, 
temporarily  abandoning  its  communications;  this 
was  in  order,  by  threatening  his  flank,  to  compel 
Hood  to  come  out  of  his  works  and  fight  us  in  the 
open. 

Throughout  that  day  our  heavy  guns  poured  a 
constant  stream  of  shot  and  shell  into  the  city.  As 
soon  as  darkness  had  settled  down  on  the  camps, 
we  silently  folded  our  tents  and  moved  back.  I 
had  been  on  picket  duty  that  night;  it  was  still  and 
clear,  and  the  slightest  sound  could  be  heard  at  a 
great  distance.  As  I  passed  along  the  picket  line, 
from  man  to  man,  and  gave  them  the  word  to  fol 
low  instructions — which  were  for  each  man,  as  I 
passed  him,  to  leave  his  post  and  go  back  silently 
to  the  rear — I  could  hear  the  Confederates  chang 
ing  their  relief  just  a  little  in  my  front.  In  one  case 
I  heard  the  old  sentinel  tell  the  new  one  to  "keep 

[138] 


SIEGE  OF  ATLANTA 

a  sharp  watch  on  those  Yanks  over  there,"  for 
they  were  up  to  something  and  he  believed  they 
were  going  to  attack. 

At  the  railroad  bridge  over  the  Chattahoochee, 
where  we  took  position,  earthworks  had  already 
been  built.  We  strengthened  them  and  built  new 
ones,  so  that  by  the  night  of  the  26th  we  were 
in  condition  to  fight  the  whole  of  Hood's  army. 
Hood  was,  however,  too  busy  south  of  Atlanta, 
where  Sherman  now  was,  to  trouble  us;  and  we 
had  several  days  of  complete  quiet.  It  was  a  great 
relief,  after  our  experiences  in  the  trenches,  to  be 
able  to  walk  around  without  hearing  the  bullets 
whistle  about  our  ears.  Not  the  least  of  our  enjoy 
ment  was,  to  have  a  good  river  close  at  hand  to 
bathe  in. 

During  our  stay  here,  General  Slocum  arrived 
and  took  command  of  the  Corps.  When  he  made 
his  first  tour  around  the  camp,  he  was  given  a  royal 
reception  by  his  old  command.  They  had  all 
been  anxious  to  have  as  their  leader  someone  who 
had  been  identified  with  them  in  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac.  With  that  army  they  had  won  their 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

laurels,  and  they  wished  still  to  be  known  as  a 
part  of  it. 

Slocum  was  a  very  different  type  of  man  from 
Hooker.  The  latter  was  brilliant  and  dashing, 
and  in  the  excitement  of  battle  his  ardor  and  per 
sonal  courage  carried  him  where  the  fire  was 
hottest.  Slocum,  on  the  contrary,  reminded  one  of 
the  descriptions  of  Marlborough.  Cool  and  unim- 
passioned  he  directed  a  battle  as  he  would  a  re 
view.  Without  particularly  avoiding  danger,  he 
would  not  rush  recklessly  into  it.  Hooker  was  an 
inveterate  boaster.  Slocum  usually  said  nothing. 
I  think  most  men  would  have  considered  Hooker 
the  better  leader,  and  Slocum  the  better  man. 

Late  on  the  night  of  September  1 ,  while  I  was 
on  picket  duty,  I  heard  in  the  direction  of  Atlanta 
what  I  at  first  thought  was  artillery.  The  rum 
bling  kept  increasing  in  intensity  until  it  seemed 
like  the  heaviest  firing  I  had  ever  heard.  Finally, 
a  number  of  terrific  explosions  lit  up  the  air.  At 
six  miles  distance  they  seemed  like  bright  flashes 
of  lightning.  I  knew  then  that  the  enemy  were 
blowing  up  their  powder  magazines.  I  supposed, 

[  140] 


ATLANTA  EVACUATED 

however,  that  Sherman  was  fighting  his  way  into 
Atlanta  from  the  south. 

At  daylight  a  reconnoitering  party  was  sent  out 
toward  the  city.  They  found  it  evacuated,  ex 
cept  for  a  small  rear  guard  of  cavalry  which  was 
soon  driven  out.  The  remainder  of  the  Corps 
moved  up  in  the  afternoon,  our  Regiment  reaching 
the  city  at  about  dark.  Sherman's  flanking  move 
ment  had  been  completely  successful.  He  had 
met  Hood  on  the  Macon  Railroad, near  Jonesboro, 
and  had  beaten  him  terribly.  The  Confederate 
commander  had  been  obliged  to  evacuate  At 
lanta  at  once,  blowing  up  eighty  cars  of  ammu 
nition  which  had  been  cut  off  by  the  capture  of  the 
railroad  at  Jonesboro.  He  had  been  compelled  to 
destroy,  also,  the  large  rolling  mill  of  the  city, 
which  was  said  to  have  been  the  only  mill  in  the 
South  where  plating  for  gunboats  could  be  manu 
factured. 

We  found  more  Union  sentiment  in  Atlanta 
than  anywhere  else  in  the  South.  As  our  Brigade 
entered  the  city,  at  about  nine  o'clock  at  night, 
many  of  the  women  brought  out  buckets  of  water 
for  us  to  drink.  They  were  very  bitter  against 

[141] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

Hood's  army,  which  they  said  had  robbed  them 
of  everything  that  could  be  carried  off,  with  the 
excuse  that  the  Yankees  would  steal  it  anyway. 
They  were  agreeably  disappointed  to  find  that  the 
Yankees  did  not  rob  them  of  a  thing. 

Immense  quantities  of  tobacco  were  abandoned 
by  the  Secessionist  citizens  who  left  town.  This 
fact  ruined  the  sutlers'  trade  in  that  article.  On 
the  day  before  Atlanta  fell,  tobacco  sold  in  our 
camps  at  a  dollar  a  plug,  and  fifteen  cents  for  cig 
ars.  On  the  day  after,  plug  tobacco  passed  about 
for  five  cents,  and  cigars  were  twenty-five  cents  a 
hundred.  Our  men  found  tobacco  in  every  con 
ceivable  place.  One  lot  of  twenty  boxes  was  dug 
out  from  under  a  big  ash-heap.  It  was,  however, 
the  only  plunder  obtained,  for  the  most  stringent 
orders  were  issued  against  pillaging  occupied 
houses. 

The  effects  of  the  Union  bombardment  could 
everywhere  be  seen  in  the  city.  Almost  every 
house  had  the  marks  on  it  of  shot  and  shell.  One 
man  showed  me  a  dozen  shells  that  had  struck  in 
his  garden.  The  families  remaining  in  the  city  had 
all  built  in  their  yards  bombproofs,  to  which  they 

[142] 


A  COMPLETE  REST 

had  fled  for  safety  whenever  the  shelling  was  in 
progress. 

On  September  6  Sherman's  army  came  back 
from  Jonesboro,  and  went  into  camp  in  the  vicinity 
of  town.  For  a  time  we  enjoyed  the  luxury  of 
complete  rest,  after  our  four  months  of  continuous 
campaigning.  On  September  23  our  Regiment 
received  from  Wisconsin  200  fresh  recruits,  who 
had  just  been  secured  under  the  draft.  Every  one 
was  a  substitute,  and  a  splendid  lot  of  men  they 
were  physically,  representing  almost  every  nation 
in  Europe — English,  Irish,  Scotch,  Welsh,  Ger 
mans,  French,  Norwegians,  and  I  don't  know 
how  many  others.  Some  of  them  could  not  speak 
a  word  of  English.  Over  a  dozen  were  full- 
blooded  Chippewa  Indians,  who  until  they  put  on 
the  uniforms  of  the  United  States  Army,  had 
never  worn  the  clothing  of  civilized  people.  They 
were  all  excellent  raw  material,  and  in  the  course 
of  time  made  good  soldiers.  I  recall  only  two  of 
the  entire  200  who  deserted. 

About  the  first  of  October,  Hood  set  out  on  his 
trip  to  the  North,  in  the  attempt  to  starve  us  out  of 
Atlanta.  On  October  3  Sherman  started  after  him 

[143] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

with  all  of  the  army  except  our  Corps,  which  was 
left  to  hold  the  town.  Our  camps  were  now 
changed  around  so  as  to  defend  the  city  on  a 
shorter  line.  Our  Brigade  was  moved  from  the 
south  to  the  northwest  side,  and  set  to  work  to 
build  new  breastworks,  or  rather  to  rebuild  the  old 
ones  of  the  Confederates. 

The  enemy  succeeded  in  getting  upon  our  rail 
road  to  the  North,  and  for  about  twenty  days  we 
were  completely  cut  off  without  news  or  provisions. 
However,  they  had  left  us  the  whole  of  the  coun 
try  southward  to  forage  in;  and  this,  together  with 
the  rice  we  had  captured  in  the  city,  and  the  "beef 
dried  on  the  hoof,"  as  the  men  called  the  cattle 
that  were  driven  in,  kept  us  a  long  way  from  starv 
ing.  Every  week  our  forage  trains  would  run  out 
into  the  country  to  the  south,  and  gather  in  from 
500  to  700  wagon-loads  of  corn,  besides  living, 
while  they  were  out,  on  the  best  that  the  land 
afforded.  Moreover,  we  had  our  provisions  all  to 
ourselves ;  for  on  September  1 0  Sherman  had  or 
dered  all  the  citizens  of  the  town  to  leave  either  to 
the  North  or  to  the  South. 


144] 


FORAGING 

On  October  1 1  our  Regiment  went  out  for  the 
first  time  on  a  foraging  expedition.  There  were 
2,500  men  in  the  detachment,  and  a  train  of  about 
500  wagons.  About  fifteen  miles  south  of  At 
lanta  we  found  plenty  of  corn  for  the  animals; 
and  for  the  men,  abundance  of  sweet  potatoes  and 
other  dainties  not  laid  down  in  the  army  menu. 
In  two  days  we  had  our  wagons  laden  with  all 
that  could  be  hauled  away.  About  a  fortnight 
later  we  went  out  again  and  brought  in  over  800 
wagons  of  corn. 

The  forage  which  we  thus  gathered  was  the 
salvation  of  our  animals  and  beef  cattle.  The 
mules  had  been  on  half  rations  of  grain  all  sum 
mer,  quite  without  hay,  and  the  whole  country  in 
the  vicinity  of  Atlanta  had  been  grazed  over  until 
it  was  as  bare  as  a  city  street.  The  beeves  that 
had  been  driven  down  from  Louisville,  had  for 
weeks  nothing  to  eat  save  the  leaves  and  sprouts 
on  the  bushes.  It  was  a  standing  joke  among  the 
men  that  the  commissary  always  killed  for  beef 
those  animals  that  could  not  survive  until  the  next 
day. 

10  [H5] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

The  March  to  the  Sea 

On  October  29  came  the  first  through  trains 
from  Chattanooga,  after  the  movement  of  Hood  to 
the  North.  On  the  same  day  came  orders  to  re 
duce  baggage  and  prepare  for  marching.  Soon, 
rumors  were  spreading  about  the  camp  that  we 
were  to  start  on  a  fifty  days'  campaign,  without 
communications.  On  November  4  we  were  ready 
to  move.  I  wrote  numerous  letters  of  good-bye  to 
friends  at  home,  telling  them  that  they  would 
hear  from  me  next  at  Charleston  or  Savannah.  I 
hoped  that  it  would  be  Charleston,  for  I  wanted 
the  people  of  South  Carolina  who  started  the  war 
to  feel  its  effects  and  to  reap  their  share  of  the  hor 
rors. 

On  November  5  we  started  out  and  marched 
three  miles  from  town.  The  next  day,  however, 
we  returned  in  order  to  wait  until  the  Army  of  the 
Tennessee  might  be  paid  off.  This  gave  us  a 
chance  to  vote  in  the  Presidential  election,  which 
we  had  come  very  near  missing.  Our  Regiment 
gave  Lincoln  304  votes  and  McClellan  2 1 .  For 
another  full  week  we  remained  in  Atlanta,  our 

[146] 


MARCH  TO  THE  SEA 

Regiment  being  occupied  the  entire  time  in  tear 
ing  up  railroad  tracks  and  destroying  everything 
of  value  in  the  city.  By  the  time  we  were  ready 
to  leave,  Atlanta  was  worth  little  more  to  the  Con 
federates  than  any  other  piece  of  ground  of  similar 
size.  On  November  15  we  started  out  in  ear 
nest  on  the  now  famous  "March  to  the  Sea."  Our 
last  view  of  Atlanta,  the  prize  for  which  we  had 
so  long  struggled,  was  a  column  of  dense  smoke 
from  its  burning  buildings;  we  had  destroyed 
everything  in  town  except  the  churches  and  private 
residences. 

Our  expedition  numbered  about  50,000  men, 
under  the  command  of  Sherman.  Thomas's  army 
remained  behind  to  look  after  Hood.  We  took 
with  us  only  about  twenty  days'  rations,  for  the 
country  through  which  we  passed  was  expected 
to  furnish  the  remainder  of  our  needs.  The  army 
proceeded  in  two  columns — the  right  wing  under 
Howard  making  for  Macon;  the  left  under  Slo- 
cum  making  for  Augusta.  Each  corps,  also, 
took  a  different  route  in  order  to  be  able  to  subsist 
more  easily  on  the  country. 

Our  Corps  proceeded  along  the  Augusta  rail- 
[147] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

road,  which  we  destroyed  as  we  went  along  by 
burning  the  ties  and  twisting  the  heated  rails. 
Parts  of  the  country  were  poor  and  furnished  little 
forage.  Other  portions,  however,  compensated 
by  giving  us  an  abundance  of  sweet  potatoes  and 
pork,  with  occasional  lots  of  corn  meal,  flour,  and 
sorghum,  and,  for  the  first  arrivals  on  the  planta 
tion,  chickens  and  turkeys.  On  our  route  we 
found  plenty  of  good  horses  and  mules,  and  all 
the  forage  that  we  could  carry  off.  Occasionally, 
also  the  enterprising  forager  would  capture  some 
apple-jack  or  corn  whiskey. 

At  Madison  we  turned  and  took  the  road  to 
Milledgeville,  the  capital  of  Georgia.  Geary's 
Division,  however,  followed  up  the  railroad  to  the 
Oconee  River,  and  destroyed  the  Oconee  bridge. 
We  entered  Milledgeville  on  the  22nd  without 
opposition,  and  camped  in  the  state-house  yard. 
During  our  stay,  our  Regiment  and  the  One  Hun 
dred  Seventh  New  York  guarded  the  city. 
I  took  up  my  quarters  with  an  acquaintance  of  one 
of  my  Wisconsin  friends,  and  saw  to  it  that  his 
house  and  family  were  not  molested.  He  had 
several  hundred  bales  of  cotton  stored  near  town, 

[148] 


MARCH   TO  THE  SEA 

which  Sherman  had  consented  to  have  bonded; 
but  some  zealous  officer  or  officious  "bummer," 
had  set  fire  to  it  before  it  could  be  saved. 

Upon  our  approach  to  Milledgeville,  Governor 
Brown  of  Georgia,  had  released  all  of  the  convicts 
in  the  State  Prison  at  that  place.  In  celebration 
of  their  freedom,  their  first  act  was  to  destroy  the 
old  prison.  Our  first  work  was  to  destroy  the 
Milledgeville  arsenal,  in  which  was  stored  a  large 
quantity  of  Confederate  arms  and  ammunition. 
We  carried  out  and  threw  into  the  river,  all  of  the 
ammunition  in  the  magazine,  and  burned  up  all  of 
the  arms  and  equipment.  Besides  several  thou 
sand  stands  of  good  arms,  there  were  a  lot  of  old- 
fashioned  rifles  and  shot-guns,  and  thousands  of 
pikes  and  bowie  knives  that  had  been  manufac 
tured  by  the  State  for  the  militia,  with  which  to 
repel  Yankees.  In  the  state-house  were  millions 
of  dollars  of  Georgia  State  money,  in  bills  of  all 
denominations  and  to  these  the  men  helped  them 
selves  without  limit.  All  of  the  cotton  in  the  vi 
cinity  that  could  be  burned  without  endangering 
good  buildings,  was  destroyed,  and  that  which 
was  stored  in  the  city  was  bonded  not  to  be  turned 

[  149] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

over  to  the  Confederate  Government,  or  used  for  its 
benefit.  I  was  sent  out  with  a  detachment  of  men 
to  search  the  stores  for  tobacco,  and  found  enough 
to  load  several  wagons,  which  kept  the  army  sup 
plied  with  that  article  until  we  reached  Savannah. 

From  Milledgeville  we  marched  eastward 
toward  Sandersville,  through  a  very  poor  country. 
At  Buffalo  Creek,  a  swampy  stream  about  eight 
miles  from  Sandersville,  we  found  that  the  seven 
bridges  crossing  it  had  been  burned — the  negroes 
told  us  that  this  had  been  done  by  the  people  of 
Sandersville.  We  were  delayed  about  three 
hours  in  repairing  the  bridges,  so  did  not  arrive  at 
Sandersville  until  the  next  morning.  For  the  last 
two  days  we  had  been  on  slim  rations,  and  San 
dersville  was  well  supplied.  Of  course  there  was 
a  general  rush  for  eatables,  and  the  town  was  soon 
raided.  The  citizens  hurried  to  Sherman  to  make 
complaint  and  get  protection. 

He  turned  on  them  and  asked,  "Which  of  you 
was  it  who  set  fire  to  those  bridges  yesterday?" 
They  all  denied  having  done  it,  but  admitted  that 
it  had  been  done  by  citizens  of  the  town. 
"Well,"  said  he,  "those  that  make  war  must  take 

[150] 


MARCH  TO  THE  SEA 

the  consequences,"  which  was  all  the  consolation 
they  got.  Later,  we  found  the  man  who  fired  the 
bridges;  he  was  promptly  arrested  and  his  prop 
erty  burned. 

As  we  entered  Sandersville  we  had  a  sharp 
skirmish  with  Wheeler's  Confederate  Cavalry,  in 
which  two  of  them  were  killed.  Our  Indians 
seemed  to  think  it  was  not  exactly  right  to  leave 
the  dead  bodies  with  their  scalps  on.  They  soon 
fell  into  the  civilized  custom  of  making  war,  how 
ever,  and  did  not  afterward  express  any  desire  to 
take  scalps. 

From  Sandersville  we  turned  south  until  we 
reached  the  Georgia  Central  Railroad  at  Tennille 
Station.  We  burned  the  railway  buildings  there, 
and  proceeded  along  the  line,  tearing  it  up  as  we 
went  along. 

On  November  28  we  passed  near  the  home  of 
the  Honorable  Herschel  V.  Johnson.1  By  prod- 

*H.  V.  Johnson  was  born  in  Burke  County,  Georgia,  in  1812. 
He  served  his  State  as  Federal  Senator  from  1 848  to  1 849,  and  as 
Governor  from  1853  to  1857.  In  1 860  he  was  nominated  for  the 
Vice- Presidency  on  the  ticket  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas.  He  opposed 
to  the  last  the  secession  of  Georgia,  but  ultimately  cast  his  lot  with 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

ding  into  the  ground  with  their  ramrods,  some  of 
our  foragers  found  there  a  lot  of  more  or  less  valu 
able  papers  and  letters,  which  had  for  safe-keep 
ing  been  buried  in  his  cabbage  patch.  Some  of 
the  letters  from  his  son,  who  was  an  officer  on 
Hood's  staff,  afforded  us  much  amusement.  Our 
mess  forager  found  here,  also,  a  stock  of  flour  that 
lasted  until  we  reached  Savannah. 

Thus  far,  we  had  almost  always  found  suf 
ficient  provisions  along  the  line  of  march  to  feed 
the  command  fairly  well.  Now,  however,  we 
were  obliged  to  send  out  strong  parties  of  foragers 
for  long  distances  on  our  flanks,  to  search  the  coun 
try  in  order  to  get  enough  to  eat.  Wherever  we 
went  we  destroyed  everything  that  might  be  of 
value  to  the  enemy.  On  the  29th,  near  Bostwick, 
we  burned  up  millions  of  feet  of  bridge  timber,  all 
got  out  and  framed  for  bridges,  that  the  Confed 
erates  expected  to  build  when  the  Yankees  were 


his  State,  and  was  elected  to  the  Confederate  Senate.  After  the 
war  he  was  active  in  securing  the  restoration  of  Georgia  to  her 
political  rights  in  the  Union.  In  1 866  he  was  again  chosen  to  the 
Federal  Senate,  but  was  unable  to  serve  under  the  reconstruction 
acts  of  Congress.  He  died  in  Jefferson  County,  Georgia,  in  1880. 

[152] 


BEFORE  SAVANNAH 

driven  out.  I  noticed  that  some  of  the  timbers 
were  marked  Strawberry  Plains  and  Chatta 
nooga  Creek. 

On  December  3  our  column  crossed  the  Mil- 
len  &  Augusta  Railroad  near  Millen,  and  de 
stroyed  as  much  of  it  as  we  could.  We  were 
now  in  a  level,  sandy  country,  thickly  covered 
with  pine  timber,  and  plantations  were  few  and 
scattered.  On  the  4th  we  heard  cannonading  in 
the  distance,  which  was  said  by  citizens  to  be 
at  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  seventy  miles 
away.  On  the  7th  we  found  our  road  for  a  dis 
tance  obstructed  with  felled  timber,  which,  how 
ever,  so  little  delayed  the  march  that  those  in  the 
rear  would  not  have  known  of  it.  On  the  8th, 
after  passing  Springfield,  the  trains  and  pack- 
mules  were  left  behind,  with  the  Third  Division 
as  a  guard,  while  the  First  and  Second  Divisions 
pushed  on  rapidly  toward  Savannah. 

In  Front  of  Savannah 

We  encountered  the  enemy  in  force  for  the 
first  time  fourteen  miles  from  Savannah,  in  Mon- 
teith  Swamp,  where  they  had  built  an  earthwork 

[153] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

across  the  road  and  felled  trees  in  front  of  it.  The 
First  Brigade  of  our  Division  was  sent  around  to 
their  left,  and  our  Brigade  to  their  right,  while  the 
Third  Brigade  moved  forward  on  the  center.  Our 
plan  was  to  hold  their  attention  to  the  front,  while 
we  got  around  on  their  rear.  They  discovered  us 
in  time,  however,  to  escape.  Captain  Kleven  of 
Company  H,  who  with  his  skirmishers,  was  in 
advance  of  our  Brigade,  made  a  rapid  movement 
forward  as  soon  as  he  saw  the  enemy  falling  back, 
and  succeeded  in  capturing  three  prisoners.  The 
First  Brigade  opened  fire  at  about  the  same  time, 
sending  a  few  bullets  over  our  way,  and  severely 
wounding  in  the  foot,  Captain  Buck  of  Company 
B.  The  Third  Brigade  also  came  up  in  time  to 
claim  a  share  in  the  honor  of  capturing  the  three 
prisoners.  Finally,  to  settle  the  dispute,  the  pris 
oners  themselves  were  brought  to  Division  head 
quarters,  where  they  pointed  out  Captain  Kleven 
as  their  captor. 

At  Monteith  Station  we  captured  the  post- 
office  and  a  considerable  mail.  The  letters,  which 
were  mostly  written  by  the  soldiers  whom  we 

[154] 


BEFORE   SAVANNAH 

had  tried  to  capture  the  day  before,  afforded  the 
men  an  abundance  of  fun. 

On  the  1  Oth  we  marched  to  within  about  four 
miles  of  Savannah,  where  we  were  stopped  by  the 
entrenched  enemy.  While  we  were  getting  into 
line,  a  detail  of  foragers,  gathered  along  the  banks 
of  the  Savannah  River,  spied  a  small  steamer 
coming  up  the  stream  from  the  city.  They  hid 
themselves  along  the  shore  until  the  boat  was  di 
rectly  opposite,  when  they  opened  a  musketry  fire 
and  compelled  the  craft  to  surrender.  It  proved  to 
be  a  Confederate  dispatch  boat  on  its  way  up  the 
river  to  warn  the  fleet  that  Sherman  and  his  army 
had  arrived.  The  fleet  did  not  receive  the  warn 
ing,  and  interesting  developments  followed.  The 
men  who  had  captured  the  prize  did  not  know  its 
value,  and  after  stripping  it  of  everything  they 
wanted,  set  fire  to  it. 

The  country  between  our  lines  and  those  of  the 
enemy  was  a  big  rice  plantation,  which  overflowed 
at  every  high  tide,  and  which  could  be  kept  under 
water  by  closing  the  flood-gates.  The  only  means 
of  access  to  the  city  were  the  narrow  causeways 
built  through  this  swamp.  At  the  point  where  we 

[i55] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

were  located,  the  Savannah  River  is  divided  by 
Argyle  Island  into  two  channels,  the  main  or  nav 
igable  one  being  near  the  Georgia  shore.  The 
island  is  about  ten  miles  long,  and  at  our  end  some 
thing  like  a  mile  wide.  It  was  occupied  by  a  large 
rice  plantation,  which  naturally  overflowed 
about  two  feet  at  high  tide,  but  which  had  been 
ditched  and  diked  so  that  the  flow  was  regulated 
at  the  flood-gates.  If  we  could  control  these,  we 
could  keep  the  island  passable.  The  plantation 
buildings  were  situated  on  the  east  side,  near  the 
channel,  where  a  number  of  acres  rose  high 
enough  above  the  general  surface  to  be  safe  from 
overflow. 

On  the  evening  of  the  1 1th  our  Regiment  was 
ordered  across  to  Argyle  Island.  There  were  on 
hand,  but  two  or  three  skiffs,  and  only  a  portion  of 
the  men  could  be  brought  over  that  night.  In  the 
morning  the  crossing  was  being  continued,  when 
suddenly  the  discovery  was  made  that  three 
steamers  were  coming  around  the  bend  of  the 
river  on  their  way  to  Savannah.  Owing  to  the 
vigilance  of  our  foragers  on  the  previous  day,  they 


156] 


A  NAVAL  BATTLE 

had  received  no  warning  of  the  presence  of  Sher 
man's  army. 

Captain  Winegar  of  Battery  M,  First  New 
York  Artillery,  had  his  rifled  guns  in  position  on 
a  slight  elevation  along  the  shore,  where  he  com 
manded  the  river  for  a  stretch  of  nearly  a  mile. 
As  soon  as  the  steamers,  which  were  a  part  of 
Commodore  Tattnall's  Mosquito  Fleet,  came 
into  plain  view,  he  opened  on  them.  They  prob 
ably  had  never  before  been  under  fire  for  their 
crews  seemed  confused.  The  first  craft,  which 
was  a  gunboat,  commenced  immediately  backing 
and  turning.  The  second,  the  armed  tender 
"Resolute,"  started  to  do  the  same,  but  was  run 
into  by  the  third,  and  so  badly  crippled  that  she 
drifted  ashore  against  Argyle  Island.  The  other 
two  vessels  managed  to  escape  up  the  river. 

While  the  miniature  naval  battle  was  going  on, 
our  men  who  were  on  the  island,  under  command 
of  Captain  Barager,  had  hastened  to  the  scene. 
When  the  "Resolute"  drifted  ashore,  they  were  on 
hand  to  prevent  the  officers  and  crew  from  making 
their  escape  in  small  boats,  as  they  had  started  to 
do.  There  were  twenty  prisoners  in  all.  We 

[i57] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

afterwards  had  a  fine  lot  of  fun  listening  to  the 
officers  as  they  accused  one  another  of  being  the 
cause  of  the  disaster.  The  "Resolute"  was  towed 
over  to  the  Georgia  shore,  near  the  battery,  but 
could  not  be  repaired  in  time  to  be  of  any  service 
in  our  future  operations  on  the  island. 

The  question  of  rations  was  at  this  time  becom 
ing  vital.  One  day's  allowance  had  been  issued 
to  us  on  the  day  after  our  arrival  in  front  of  Savan 
nah.  We  were,  therefore,  on  the  lookout  for  aay- 
thing  that  might  serve  to  supplement  our  supplies. 
As  soon  as  my  Company  had  come  across  to  the 
island,  we  took  the  shortest  route  to  the  planta 
tion  buildings  on  the  east  side.  Not  a  thing  was 
left;  those  who  had  come  before  us  had  already 
absorbed  everything.  But  at  the  landing  I  found 
a  good  six-oared  boat  that  would  carry  about  ten 
men  besides  the  rowers.  Impressing  a  crew  of 
negroes  to  row  the  boat,  I  started  for  a  plantation 
on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  about  half  a  mile  up, 
thinking  that  I  would  be  the  first  man  of  Sher 
man's  army  to  invade  South  Carolina.  On  land 
ing,  however,  I  was  told  by  the  blacks  that  two  of 
our  "bummers"  had  been  there  the  day  before, 

[158] 


CAPTURING    A  PLANTATION 

and  in  an  altercation  with  the  plantation  hands 
had  killed  one  of  them.  The  funeral  was  just 
going  on  when  we  arrived.  Subsequent  events 
made  me  believe  that  Wheeler's  Cavalry,  and  not 
our  men  were  responsible  for  this  tragedy. 

I  placed  a  sentinel  out  on  the  only  road  by 
which  a  mounted  force  could  approach,  and  then 
began  a  search  for  eatables.  We  soon  were  re 
warded  by  a  good  supply  of  sweet  potatoes  and 
sorghum.  In  the  boat-house  we  found  a  fine  lot 
of  boats;  as  these  were  especially  valuable  for  our 
purposes,  we  shoved  them  all  out  into  the  river  to 
float  down  to  our  landing  on  the  island.  We  had 
just  loaded  up  our  supplies,  when  my  sentinel  came 
running  in  with  the  report  that  a  large  force  of  cav 
alry  were  coming.  We  hastily  pulled  back  to  the 
island  and  waited  for  them;  but  they  did  not 
come  to  close  quarters  and  soon  retired. 

Three  days  later  I  was  sent  out  with  Captain 
Barager's  Company  and  my  own  to  take  pos 
session  of  this  plantation.  We  knew  that  the 
enemy  now  held  it  in  some  force,  but  we  did  not 
know  how  strong  they  were.  I  had  secured  boats 
enough  on  our  first  raid  to  be  able  to  take  over  both 

[159] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

of  our  companies  at  one  time.  We  started  in  the 
morning,  when  it  was  as  yet  scarcely  light,  hoping 
to  come  upon  the  enemy  unexpectedly.  Their 
sentinels  discovered  us,  however,  and  fired  on  us 
while  crossing.  We  landed  about  a  quarter  of  a 
mile  from  the  plantation  buildings  and  rapidly 
pushed  forward.  I  sent  Barager  with  his  Com 
pany  to  the  right,  while  I  took  the  direct  course  to 
the  rice  mill,  in  which  the  enemy  were  sheltered. 
The  country  was  broken  up  into  a  mass  !of 
ditches,  dykes,  and  canals.  We  found  that  our 
only  road  was  along  a  narrow  dyke,  and  that  we 
should  either  have  to  return  or  charge  them  in 
single  file.  We  did  not  retreat.  In  less  time  than 
it  takes  to  tell  this  story,  we  had  the  mill.  They 
gave  us  one  volley  and  hit  nobody.  We  did  not 
fire  a  shot.  They  escaped  with  their  guns  and 
ammunition,  but  we  captured  all  their  provisions, 
including  their  breakfast  cooking  on  the  fire.  For 
the  first  time  in  three  days  we  had  all  that  we 
wanted  to  eat.  Colonel  Hawley  came  over  soon 
after,  with  three  more  companies,  but  toward  night 
the  Confederates  appeared  in  such  force  that  we 
again  withdrew  to  the  island. 

[160] 


ATTACKED 

The  next  morning  the  enemy  brought  down  a 
section  of  artillery  to  the  Smith  Plantation,  as  it 
was  called,  and  commenced  shelling  our  island 
camp.  I  was  sent  with  my  Company  to  get  as 
close  as  possible  to  them  on  our  side  of  the  river, 
and  either  silence  them  or  drive  them  off.  I  got 
up  within  about  a  hundred  and  fifty  yards  of 
them  and  opened  fire.  They  immediately  turned 
their  guns  on  us,  and  for  a  few  minutes  gave  it  to 
us  hot.  We  had  good  shelter,  however,  and  lost 
only  one  man — John  Furlong,  a  veteran  of  Com 
pany  E.  It  took  me  about  twenty  minutes  to 
drive  off  the  battery,  but  their  infantry  held  out 
all  day. 

On  the  1 9th  the  whole  Brigade  crossed  over  to 
the  Smith  Plantation,  with  a  section  of  artillery. 
Entrenchments  were  built  at  all  commanding 
points,  and  preparation  made  to  hold  the  position. 
On  the  20th  Colonel  Hawley  made  a  reconnois- 
sance  in  force  toward  Union  Causeway,  the  only 
Confederate  outlet  from  Savannah,  but  found  the 
enemy  in  such  strength  that  he  could  not  reach  it. 
But  from  our  position  we  could  see  the  lines  of 

their  wagons  leaving  the  city.     On  the  morning  of 

11  [  161  ] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

the  2 1  st  it  was  found  that  the  enemy  had  evacu 
ated  Savannah,  and  our  troops  moved  in  and  took 
possession. 

We  now  received  orders  to  recross  the  river  to 
the  Georgia  side  and  march  to  Savannah.  We 
had  nothing  but  flatboats  to  cross  in,  and  a  strong 
wind  was  against  us,  so  that  we  made  slow  prog 
ress  while  our  Regiment  covered  the  crossing. 
When  all  the  rest  had  passed  over,  and  we  were 
about  half  embarked,  the  enemy  swarmed  down 
upon  us  by  the  thousand.  They  had  us  sur 
rounded  on  three  sides,  with  a  river  behind;  and 
our  chances  for  seeing  Savannah  were  not  brilliant. 
Nevertheless,  we  faced  about  and  prepared  to 
fight  them.  Our  friends  of  the  Second  Massa 
chusetts  came,  without  orders,  back  to  our  assist 
ance,  and  placed  themselves  where  they  could 
cover  our  flanks.  We  were  sheltered  behind  a 
dyke,  and  the  enemy  could  not  get  at  us  save  by 
charging  across  an  open  rice  field;  this  they  did 
not  have  the  nerve  to  do,  so  that  when  darkness 
settled  down  we  got  off  safely  to  the  island.  I 
think  there  was  not  a  man  in  our  command,  but 

[162] 


END  OF  THE  MARCH 

thanked  his  lucky  stars  that  it  was  not  some  of 
Lee's  veterans  that  had  us  in  that  fix  that  night. 

In  Savannah 

The  next  day,  we  crossed  without  interruption 
from  the  island  to  the  Georgia  shore,  which  we 
reached  by  four  o'clock,  and  then  marched  toward 
Savannah.  We  went  into  camp  on  the  bank  of 
the  river  about  two  miles  from  the  city,  and  this 
ended  on  our  part  the  "March  to  the  Sea." 

Just  twenty-five  days  had  elapsed  from  the  time 
our  army  left  Atlanta  until  it  signalled  the  fleet  off 
the  coast.  During  that  time  our  wing  had 
marched  300  miles,  destroyed  over  400  miles  of 
railroad  and  an  amount  of  cotton  that  can  hardly 
be  estimated,  and  most  of  the  time  had  lived  off  the 
country.  Of  our  immense  train  of  2,500  wagons 
not  one  had  been  captured  on  the  route.  We  had 
moreover  secured  an  almost  entirely  new  stock  of 
mules  and  horses.  And  to  crown  all,  we  had 
won  Savannah  with  an  immense  amount  of  the 
spoils  of  war.  It  was  everywhere  the  opinion  that 
Sherman  had  struck  the  hardest  blow  at  the  Re 
bellion  that  it  had  yet  received,  and  at  the  least 

[163] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

cost.  The  troops  were  in  high  spirits  over  their 
continued  successes.  The  feeling  prevailed  that 
they  had  but  to  start  for  a  place,  and  it  was  theirs. 
The  confidence  in  Sherman  was  unlimited.  When 
we  left  Atlanta,  on  what  was  considered  the  most 
perilous  movement  of  the  war,  I  never  heard  a 
single  expression  of  doubt  as  to  our  ultimate  suc 
cess.  The  Confederates  whom  we  encountered 
considered  him  the  ablest  general  that  had  com 
manded  troops  in  the  war,  and  feared  him  more 
than  any  other. 

We  remained  at  Savannah  until  January  17, 
1 865.  Our  camp  was  in  a  beautiful  grove  of  live 
oaks  and  pine,  festooned  with  Spanish  moss,  and 
the  weather  was  delightful.  The  work  was  com 
paratively  light,  and  the  men  were  confidently 
looking  forward  to  the  end  of  the  war.  We 
built  new  fortifications  around  the  city  on  nearly 
the  same  lines  as  the  old  Revolutionary  works. 
New  roads  were  constructed  across  Hutchinson 
Island  and  northward  into  South  Carolina.  We 
were  also  busy,  in  order  that  supplies  might  be 
brought  in  as  fast  as  needed,  in  clearing  out  the 


164 


IN  SAVANNAH 

Savannah  River,  which  the  enemy  had  closed 
with  obstructions. 

The  citizens  of  Savannah  seemed  well  pleased 
with  their  change  of  rulers.  They  uniformly 
treated  us  with  courtesy,  and  displayed  a  sociabil 
ity  that  we  did  not  usually  encounter  in  the  South. 
In  return,  General  Sherman  showed  them  every 
possible  consideration.  I  was  never  in  a  captured 
place  where  private  property  was  respected  and 
protected  as  it  was  here,  or  where  citizens  were  al 
lowed  so  many  privileges.  Employment  was  fur 
nished  to  those  who  wanted  it,  and  a  large  amount 
of  provisions  was  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the 
mayor  of  the  city  for  distribution  among  the  desti 
tute. 

A  good  story  was  told  on  the  Episcopal  rector 
of  the  town.  He  had  been  deputized  by  the  rest 
of  the  clergy  to  wait  on  General  Sherman,  and  get 
permission  to  preach.  When  he  stated  his  busi 
ness,  Sherman  at  once  replied,  "Of  course  you 
can  preach;  that  is  just  what  I  want  you  to  do." 

The  preacher  then  stammered  out  an  enquiry 
whether  he  would  be  compelled  to  pray  for  the 
President  of  the  United  States.  "Pray  for  Jeff. 

[165] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

Davis  or  the  Devil,  if  you  want  to,"  replied  Sher 
man;  "I  think  you  had  better  pray  for  them,  for 
they  need  it  more  than  Lincoln." 

Marching  Northward 

On  January  1 7  we  crossed  the  Savannah  River 
on  our  bridge  of  flatboats,  and  started  on  our  new 
campaign  to  the  North.  We  were  at  the  outset 
met  by  such  fearful  weather  that  we  were  virtually 
brought  to  a  standstill.  Only  a  portion  of  our 
army  had  yet  crossed  to  the  South  Carolina  side, 
when  a  freshet  of  unprecedented  height  raised  the 
river  so  suddenly  that  it  swept  away  the  bridge, 
overflowed  Hutchinson  Island,  and  carried  off  a 
lot  of  wagons  and  mules  that  were  just  about  to 
start.  The  freshet  came  before  there  had  been  a 
drop  of  rain  in  our  vicinity;  but  it  began  to  rain 
immediately  after,  and  it  seemed  as  though  it 
would  never  stop.  The  country  everywhere  be 
came  a  perfect  quagmire,  and  a  dry  spot  was  hard 
to  find. 

Slowly  we  proceeded  up  the  east  side  of 
the  Savannah  River,  the  remainder  of  Sherman's 

army  following  on  the  right  side.     On  the  29th, 

[166] 


PUSHING  NORTHWARD 

at  Robertsville,  we  encountered  a  strong  force  of 
Wheeler's  Cavalry,  which  delayed  our  column  for 
a  short  time.  Our  Regiment  was  sent  to  the  front 
to  drive  them  off.  The  two  right  companies,  un 
der  command  of  Captain  Haskins,  deployed  as 
skirmishers,  and  soon  swept  the  enemy  away  like 
chaff  before  the  wind.  On  the  30th  we  opened 
communications  with  Sherman  at  Sister's  Ferry, 
where  he  had  brought  the  remainder  of  his  army 
across  into  South  Carolina. 

We  now  left  Savannah  River,  marching  almost 
directly  north.  Profiting  by  our  previous  experi 
ences,  we  early  organized  a  foraging  party  of  four 
men  from  each  company.  They  had  permission 
to  mount  themselves  with  captured  animals  as 
soon  as  possible.  In  a  short  time  they  not  only  had 
mounts,  but  sufficient  pack  animals  to  carry  several 
days'  provisions  for  the  Regiment.  The  first  time 
they  came  into  camp  they  presented  a  motley  ap 
pearance,  riding  horses  and  mules,  and  displaying 
every  variety  of  saddle  and  harness  known  to  man. 
But  they  were  soon  as  well  mounted  as  the  cav 
alry,  and  had  transportation  and  equipment  for 
any  service.  As  we  marched  northward,  the  en- 

[167] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

emy's  cavalry  became  more  and  more  active  on  our 
flanks,  so  that  our  foragers  were  compelled  to  unite 
for  protection.  Our  detail  and  that  from  the  Sec 
ond  Massachusetts,  under  Lieutenant  Thompson, 
were  united  almost  from  the  start. 

The  low  ground  and  the  constant  rains  made 
marching  so  difficult  that  we  rarely  covered  more 
than  twelve  miles  in  a  day.  Much  of  the  way  we 
were  obliged  to  corduroy  the  roads  for  the  trains. 
For  this  purpose  we  used  fence  rails  when  they 
were  to  be  had;  when  there  were  none,  we  cut 
timber  and  brush.  Reaching  the  Charleston  & 
Augusta  Railroad  at  Graham  Station  on  Feb 
ruary  7,  we  spent  the  next  four  days  in  destroying 
the  tracks  toward  Augusta. 

While  we  were  in  camp  at  Graham  Station, 
Colonel  Hawley,  who  now  commanded  our 
Brigade,  and  General  Slocum,  our  Corps  com 
mander,  had  an  argument  as  to  the  best  method  of 
tearing  up  a  railroad  track.  Hawley  contended 
that  it  was  best  to  line  up  the  men  along  the  track, 
and  at  the  word  of  command  have  them  pick  it 
up  and  turn  it  over.  Slocum  protested  that  this 

could  not  be  done.     A  bet  was  made  of  a  bottle 

fi681 


PUSHING  NORTHWARD 

of  Apollinaris  water,  or  something  else,  and  Haw- 
ley  sent  for  his  old  Regiment  to  try  the  experiment. 
When  the  order  came  to  fall  in  without  arms,  our 
men  were  cooking  their  supper.  Captain  Wood- 
ford  of  Hawley's  staff  went  along  the  line,  while 
we  were  forming,  and  explained  that  the  Colonel 
had  made  a  bet  as  to  what  the  Regiment  could  do. 
We  were  soon  lined  up  along  the  track,  and  the 
command  was  given  to  take  hold  and  lift.  In  the 
hands  of  those  brawny  men,  that  railroad  was  a 
plaything,  It  went  over  so  fast,  that  some  of  the 
staff  officers  who  had  gathered  to  watch  the  per 
formance,  had  to  move  lively  to  escape  the  flying 
rails  and  ties.2 

From  Graham  Station  we  marched  northward 
through  constant  rain  and  mud,  subsisting  entirely 
on  the  country,  without  drawing  rations  except 
coffee  or  sugar,  and  generally  we  had  plenty  to 
eat ;  corn  meal  and  bacon  constituted  our  usual  bill 
of  fare.  The  army  was  in  fine  spirits.  In  thus 

A  detailed  description  of  the  manner  of  destroying  railroad  track 
during  Sherman's  Campaign  is  given  by  Gen.  H.  W.  Slocum,  "  Sher 
man's  March  from  Savannah  to  Bentonville,"in  Century  Magazine 
Old  Series,  xxxiv,  p.  930. 

[169] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

picking  up  a  living  in  such  a  country,  where  the 
only  products  of  the  soil  seemed  to  be  tar  and  rosin, 
and  pitch  pines  the  only  visible  vegetation,  they 
felt  confident  of  their  ability  to  find  a  living  any 
where. 

Our  Corps  did  not  enter  Columbia,  but  crossed 
the  Saluda  River  about  ten  miles  above.  The 
Fifteenth  and  Seventeenth  Corps  of  the  Army  of 
the  Tennessee  occupied  the  city,  and  destroyed 
everything  in  it.  They  released  about  sixty  Union 
officers  who  were  confined  there ;  and  between  them 
and  the  soldiers  and  the  whiskey  that  was  found 
Columbia  soon  ceased  to  exist.  Scarcely  a 
private  residence,  even,  was  left.  The  only  thing 
that  would  not  bum  was  the  new  state-house,  said 
to  have  been  the  finest  in  the  Union,  and  this  was 
mined  and  blown  up.  South  Carolina  was  hav 
ing  a  bitter  taste  of  the  horrors  of  war. 

On  February  21  we  struck  at  Winnsboro  the 
railroad  running  between  Columbia  and  Char- 
lotteville;  and  following  this  northward  for  a  dis 
tance,  destroyed  it  as  we  went  along.  Then 
turning  toward  the  northeast,  by  way  of  Rocky 


170 


ROUGH  WORK 

Mount,  Hanging  Rock,  and  Chesterfield,  we 
marched  to  Fayetteville,  North  Carolina. 

During  the  entire  march  from  Columbia  to  Fay 
etteville  we  had  but  three  pleasant  days;  the  ram 
was  almost  continuous.  Our  road,  most  of  the 
way,  was  through  swamps  and  creeks,  where 
bridges  had  to  be  built  and  roads  corduroyed. 
Frequently,  from  early  morning  until  midnight,  we 
worked  in  rain  and  mud  to  get  our  trains  along  for 
six  or  eight  miles.  The  rough  work  soon  wore  out 
our  clothing — many  of  the  men  were  barefooted; 
many  were  wearing  citizen's  dress;  the  whole 
army  looked  more  like  FalstafFs  ragged  regiment 
than  soldiers  of  the  United  States.  But  we  met 
little  opposition  from  the  enemy.  The  spirit  of 
four  years  before  seemed  to  have  been  beaten  out 
of  them.  We  felt  that  the  only  Confederate  troops 
that  would  still  give  us  serious  fighting,  were  those 
with  Lee  at  Richmond. 

Arriving  at  Fayetteville  on  March  1 2,  we  once 
more  opened  communication  with  the  fleet,  by  way 
of  Wilmington  and  Cape  Fear  River.  On  the 
1 5th  we  set  out  on  our  way  to  Goldsboro,  and 
the  first  night  went  early  into  camp,  about  ten 

[171] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

miles  from  Fayetteville.  At  eight  o'clock,  how 
ever,  we  were  sent  out  again  into  a  dark  and  stormy 
night  to  go  to  the  assistance  of  General  Kilpat- 
rick's  Cavalry,  which  had  met  the  enemy.  For 
five  miles  we  waded  through  mud  and  water  to 
the  place  of  danger,  and  bivouacked  for  the  night 
in  line,  facing  the  enemy.  In  the  morning  we  had 
some  sharp  skirmishing,  but  in  the  afternoon  the 
enemy  were  driven  from  their  position. 

On  the  1 9th  General  Carlin's  Division  of  the 
Fourteenth  Corps  was  attacked  and  thrown  into 
confusion  by  General  Joe  Johnston's  army  near 
Bentonville.  Our  Brigade  was  rapidly  pushed 
forward  with  a  number  of  others,  and  formed 
in  line  of  battle  near  the  left  of  the  Corps. 
The  enemy  made  several  attacks,  the  brunt  of 
which  fell  upon  the  troops  to  the  right,  and  then 
retreated.  This  battle,  which  the  Union  Army 
nicknamed  the  Battle  of  Acorn  Run,  in  compli 
ment  to  the  badge  of  the  Fourteenth  Corps,  was 
the  last  in  which  our  Regiment  was  engaged  dur 
ing  the  war. 

On  the  22nd,  we  advanced  once  more,  and 

found  that  the  enemy  was  gone.     Two  days  later 

[172] 


THE  ANGEL  OF  PEACE 

we  arrived  at  Goldsboro,  and  occupied  the  city 
without  opposition.  On  the  27th,  for  the  first 
time  since  we  had  left  Savannah,  rations  were  is 
sued  to  the  troops. 

Peace 

We  began  the  last  campaign  of  the  war  on 
April  1 0,  entering  Raleigh  on  the  1 3th  without 
resistance.  The  next  day  we  again  began  to  or 
ganize  our  foraging  parties,  and  to  make  prepara 
tions  for  a  campaign  back  through  Georgia.  Dur 
ing  the  day,  however,  everything  was  changed. 
General  Johnston,  following  Lee's  surrender  on 
April  9,  had  sent  in  asking  for  terms. 

On  April  20  I  wrote  home  the  following  let 
ter: 

CAMP  OF  THE  3RD  Wis.  VET.  INFTY. 
RALEIGH,  N.  C,  APRIL  20,  1864. 

My  Dear — : 

The  Angel  of  Peace  has  spread  his  wings  over  our 
country  once  more.  The  glad  tidings  were  announced  to 
the  army  last  night  by  General  Sherman  in  general  orders. 
As  soon  as  the  agreement  which  he  had  made  with  Gen 
eral  Johnston  and  higher  authorities  could  be  ratified  at 

[173] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

Washington,  peace  would  be  restored  from  the  Potomac 
to  the  Rio  Grande.  It  was  a  glorious  day  for  us  who 
have  seen  the  thing  through  from  the  beginning  to  the  end. 
General  Sherman  also  says  that  he  expects  "soon  to  have 
the  pleasure  of  conducting  this  army  to  its  homes,"  and  I 
believe  that  within  six  weeks  you  will  see  me  in  Chicago 
"home  from  the  wars." 

I  don't  know  just  exactly  what  the  terms  of  surrender 
are,  but  it  is  the  opinion  of  high  officers  that  no  troops  will 
be  needed  for  garrison  duty  in  the  South.  The  rebels 
have  been  so  completely  whipped  that  they  will  never  want 
to  try  another  rebellion.  I  understand  that  Jeff,  made  no 
stipulation  for  his  personal  safety,  but  said  he  was  willing 
to  take  his  trial  before  the  courts,  and  trust  to  the  mercy 
of  the  American  people.  The  only  difficulty  in  the  nego 
tiations  was  on  the  question  of  the  confiscation  of  landed 
property,  and  I  have  not  learned  how  that  was  arranged. 
But  I  believe  that  we  have  been  so  completely  victorious 
that  we  can  afford  to  be  merciful,  and  that  a  general 
amnesty  will  do  more  to  cement  the  Union  than  the  most 
rigorous  punishment.  The  punishment  that  the  South  has 
already  endured  is  like  Cain's  "greater  than  they  can 
bear."  The  destruction  of  life  in  this  war  in  the  South 
has  been  terrible. 

The  news  that  Johnston  had  asked  for  terms  on  which  to 
surrender  his  army  was  published  on  the  1 6th.  On  the 
morning  of  the  1  7th  a  gloom  was  thrown  over  the  whole 

[174] 


THE  ANGEL  OF  PEACE 

army  by  the  announcement  of  the  assassination  of  the 
President,  which  was  reported  to  have  occurred  on  the 
1 1  th.  I  never  saw  such  a  gloomy,  sad  time  since  I  have 
been  in  the  army  as  that.  I  don't  think  we  knew  how 
much  we  did  think  of  him  until  then.  Many  expressed 
the  opinion  that  if  it  had  been  Andy  Johnson  and  Stanton, 
it  would  not  have  been  much  of  a  calamity.  The  next 
day  we  had  New  York  papers  of  the  1 4th  which  made  no 
mention  of  the  murder,  and  we  all  thought  we  had  been 
hoaxed.  Then  the  explanation  was  made  that  the  opera 
tor  at  Morehead  City  had  made  an  error,  and  that  the 
assassination  had  been  on  the  1 4th  instead  of  the  1 1  th,  and 
now  I  hardly  know  what  to  believe  about  it.  We  shall 
probably  get  more  news  today. 

We  are  about  to  move  our  camp,  and  now  for  the  first 
time  comfort  instead  of  safety  is  considered  in  the  selection. 
Just  think  of  it !  I  can  hardly  realize  it.  No  more  skir 
mishing,  no  more  digging  trenches  and  building  breast 
works,  no  more  whistling  bullets,  rattling  grape-shot,  or 
screaming  shells,  no  more  friends  and  comrades  to  be 
killed  or  wounded. 

I  don't  know  what  has  become  of  all  my  letters  lately. 
The  mail  has  come  in  here  three  times,  and  I  have  not  had 
a  letter.  My  last  letters  were  dated  in  February,  except 
one  from  *  *  *  of  March  7.  I  suppose  they  will  all 
come  in  a  heap  one  of  these  days .  *  *  *  The  weather 
is  very  fine  though  almost  too  warm.  We  have  occasional 

[175] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

showers,  and  vegetation  is  growing  fine.     This  part  of 
North  Carolina  is  very  fine  country  and  crops  look  well. 

A  great  many  of  Lee's  paroled  army  are  coming  in  here, 
and  they  seem  more  pleased  at  being  whipped  or  at  get 
ting  home  than  we  do  at  having  gained  a  victory.  Some 
of  them  say  they  cheered  louder  when  they  surrendered 
than  Grant's  army  when  they  captured  them. 

•ji  *J*  ***  ***  *fr  ***  ***  *** 

Our  camps  were  now  overrun  with  citizens  and 
paroled  Confederate  soldiers,  who  were  hunting 
for  horses  that  they  had  lost;  some  of  them  had 
come  as  far  as  sixty  or  seventy  miles.  We  gave 
them  all  the  spare  horses  that  we  had,  for  we  knew 
that  the  Government  would  have  to  help  them  in 
some  way  to  keep  them  from  starvation.  We 
also  issued  to  them  large  quantities  of  rations,  for 
there  was  nothing  eatable  left  in  all  the  track  of 
Sherman's  army.  On  the  29th,  general  orders 
were  issued  announcing  the  formal  surrender  of 
Johnston's  army. 

Homeward 

On  the  next  day  began  the  march  to  Washing 
ton.  We  entered  Richmond  on  May  1 1 ,  and  on 

[176] 


THE  GRAND  REVIEW 

the  1 5th  camped  near  the  old  battle-field  of  Chan- 
cellorsville.  On  the  24th  we  marched  into 
Washington,  where  the  Union  army  passed  in  re 
view  before  all  the  dignitaries  of  our  Nation,  the 
representatives  of  foreign  lands,  and  the  immense 
throngs  of  people  who  had  gathered  from  far  and 
near  to  see  Sherman's  veterans.  For  this  review, 
we  selected  from  our  Regiment,  eight  companies 
of  thirty-two  men  each — the  best  drilled  soldiers 
that  we  had.  It  was  my  place  to  ride  in  the  rear 
of  the  Regiment  as  it  marched  down  Pennsyl 
vania  Avenue,  and  no  command  made  a  better 
show  than  ours.  From  the  Capitol  to  the  review 
ing  stand,  the  marching  and  wheeling  were  simply 
perfect. 

We  now  went  into  camp  near  Bladensburg, 
where  all  of  the  men  whose  terms  of  service  ex 
pired  before  October  1  were  mustered  out  and  sent 
home.  On  June  6,  General  Hawley  issued  his 
farewell  order  to  the  old  Brigade.  When  it  was 
broken  up  on  the  next  day,  the  officers  of  the  Sec 
ond  Massachusetts  sent  to  the  officers  of  our  regi 
ment  the  formal  expression  of  the  feeling  with 
which  they  parted  from  us.  We  replied  in  a  sim- 

12 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

ilar  letter.  Even  now,  after  a  lapse  of  twenty- 
six  years,  it  stirs  the  blood  to  read  these  two  mes 
sages.3 

3  This  correspondence  was  as  follows: 

Second  Massachusetts  Infantry, 

Camp  Slocum,  Washington,  D.  C., 

June  4,  1865. 

We,  the  undersigned,  officers  of  the  Second  Massachusetts  Infantry,  wish  to  ex 
press  to  the  officers  of  the  Third  Wisconsin  Infantry  our  heartfelt  regret  that  the 
fortunes  of  the  service  are  about  to  separate  our  respective  organizations. 

From  the  campaign  of  1 862,  in  the  Shenandoah  Valley  to  the  present  glorious 
close  of  this  bloody  war,  we  have  fought  and  marched  side  by  side  with  you  in 
almost  every  rebellious  state.  To  have  been  brigaded  together  for  so  long  a  time 
is  in  itself  remarkable;  no  less  so  is  it  that  between  our  two  regiments  there  should 
always  have  existed  such  strong  feelings  of  friendship  and  mutual  regard,  untinged 
by  the  slightest  shadow  of  jealousy. 

As  we  recall  now,  some  of  the  hard  positions  we  have  been  in,  we  cannot  help 
remembering  how  often  our  anxiety  was  lessened  by  the  knowledge  that  the  old 
Third  Wisconsin  was  close  at  hand  to  support  us.  We  know  that  you  have  had 
the  same  thoughts  about  us.  Nothing  in  this  whole  war  will  be  pleasanter  for  us 
to  look  back  upon  than  this  feeling  of  mutual  respect  and  reliance.  It  not  only 
elevated  the  tone  of  both  our  regiments,  but  we  honestly  believe,  it  went  a  gieat 
way  toward  making  our  brigade  and  division  what  they  are  now  acknowledged  to 
be  —  among  the  very  best  organizations  of  the  army. 

We  assure  you  that  in  our  own  State,  wherever  the  Second  Massachusetts  is 
known,  its  brother  regiment  is  also  famous.  Whenever  any  of  us  have  been  at 
home,  among  the  first  inquiries  would  be,  "  How  is  the  Third  Wisconsin?  "  It 
has  been  with  pride  that  we  have  answered,  "  It  is  the  same  staunch  old  regiment 
that  fought  at  Antietam  and  Chancellorsville." 

These  are  not  compliments  but  expressions  of  plain,  honest  feelings.  We  have 
been  knit  together  by  deeds  not  word*;  deeds,  which,  as  time  goes  on,  we  shall  look 
back  upon  with  continually  increasing  pride. 

Together  we  have  shared  dangers  and  hardships,  victories  and  defeats;  and  it  is 
hard  now  for  us  to  part;  but  in  the  natural  order  of  thing?,  the  war  being  over,  you 
go  towards  your  homes  in  the  west,  we  stay  near  ours  in  the  east.  Let  us  not, 
however,  though  separated  by  thousands  of  miles,  forget  these  old  associations.  Let 
us  rather  cherish  them  wit^i  the  fondest  recollections:  let  it  be  a  story  to  hand  down 
to  our  children  and  children's  children,  how  the  Second  Massachusetts  and  Third 

[178] 


FRATERNAL  MESSAGES 

The  Western  veteran  regiments  still  had  work 
before  them,  and  were  not  mustered  out.  They 
were  organized  as  a  provisional  Brigade  under 

Wisconsin  fought  shoulder  to  shoulder  through  the  great  rebellion,  and  achieved 
together  glory  and  renown.  We  ask  you  to  accept  this  testimonial  as  a  slight  evi 
dence  of  our  affection  and  esteem.  We  bid  you  farewell,  and  God  bless  you,  one 
and  all, 

C.  F.  Morse,  Lieutenant  Colonel,  Com.;  James  Francis,  Major;  C.  E.  Munn, 
Surgeon;  John  A.  Fox,  Adjutant;  E.  A.  Hawes,  Quartermaster;  Captains- 
Daniel  Oakey,  F.  W.  Crowninshield,  E.  A.  Phalen,  George  A.  Thayer, 
Theodore  K.  Parker,  Dennis  Mehan,  Henry  N.  Comey,  William  E. 
Perkins;  First  Lieutenants — George  J.  Thompson,  Jesse  Richardson,  Moses  P* 
Richardson,  William  T.  Me  Alpine,  Jed  C.  Thompson,  William  D.  Toombs. 


Third  Wisconsin  V.  V.  Infantry, 

Camp  Slocum,  near  Washington,  D.  C. 

June  7,  1865. 
To  the  officers  of  the  Second  Massachusetts  Veteran  Volunteer  Infantry: 

The  undersigned,  officers  of  the  Third  Wisconsin  Veteran  Volunteer  Infantry, 
tender  their  heartfelt  thanks  for  your  friendly  communication  of  the  4th  inst.  It 
was  with  mingled  feelings  of  pride  and  pleasure,  not,  however,  unmixed  with  pain, 
that  we  perused  it  —  pride  at  being  thus  associated  with  a  regiment,  which  by  pa 
tient  endurance,  good  discipline,  and  unflinching  bravery,  has  won  for  itself  so  hon 
orable  a  name  as  the  Second  Massachusetts;  pleasure  at  the  thought  that,  even 
amid  the  stirring  scenes  of  active  war,  the  finer  attributes  of  humanity  are  not  for 
gotten,  and  that  friendship,  one  of  the  noblest  sentiments  of  the  soul,  still  asserts 
her  claims;  pain  at  the  recollection  of  the  many  gallant  and  brave,  whose  names 
have  been  associated  with  yours  in  the  great  struggle  now  happily  terminated,  but 
who  have  given  their  lives  for  a  country  they  loved  so  well. 

That  "  every  rose  has  its  thorn  "  was  never  more  apparent  to  us  than  now.  While 
in  the  toil  and  suffering  of  our  active  campaigns,  we  have  looked  forward  with  un 
mixed  joy  to  the  time  when  the  angel  of  peace  should  once  more  spread  her  wings 
over  the  land,  and  we  should  return  home  to  enjoy  the  sweets  of  social  and  civil 
life,  but  now  that  the  hour  is  at  hand  when  we  must  say  farewell  to  those  with 
whom  we  have  been  associated  in  the  service  of  our  common  country,  when  we 
must  join  the  parting  hand  with  you,  our  companions  and  brothers  in  arms,  our  joy 
is  mingled  with  sadness  and  our  smiles  with  tears. 

We  accept  your  communication,  not  only  as  a  manifestation  of  personal  regard, 

[179] 


SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD 

Hawley's  command,  and  ordered  to  Louisville, 
Kentucky.  Our  Regiment  left  the  east  on  June  1 1 , 
travelling  by  way  of  the  Baltimore  &  Ohio  Rail 
road  to  Parkersburg,  and  then  down  the  Ohio 
River  to  Louisville.  Here  the  Regiment  was  filled 
up  with  men  from  other  Wisconsin  commands,  that 
were  mustered  out  of  service,  until  we  had  about 
1 ,500  on  our  muster  rolls.  It  was  rumored,  and 
in  fact  intended,  that  we  should  go  to  Mexico  to 
drive  out  the  French.  The  programme  was  en 
tirely  changed,  however,  when  news  came  of  the 

but  also  as  a  fraternal  greeting  from  the  east  to  the  west,  which  rising  superior  to 
local  jealousies  and  factional  strife,  and  remembering  only  the  mingled  dust  of  our 
dead  on  many  battlefields,  and  the  common  country  for  which  they  sacrificed  their 
all,  proclaims  us,  in  heart  and  in  country,  one  and  inseparable. 

In  parting,  we  assure  you  that,  highly  as  we  prize  this  expression  of  sentiment 
toward  us,  and  sacredly  as  we  will  preserve  it  as  the  highest  honor  yet  received,  it 
is  not  needed  to  secure  remembrance.  The  ineffaceable  pictures  of  the  past  deeply 
engraven  in  our  hearts,  and  lit  up  by  the  eternal  flame  of  friendship  will  ever  keep 
the  Second  Massachusetts  Veteran  Volunteer  Infantry  prominent  among  our  pleas 
ing  memories  in  the  future. 

Wishing  you  all  success  and  happiness  and  Heaven's  best  blessing,  we  bid  you 
farewell.  We  are,  brothers,  yours  fraternally, 

George  W.  Stevenson,  Lieutenant-Colonel;  Warham  Parks,  Major;  J.  G.  Conley, 
Surgeon;  T.  J.  Kopff,  Assistant  Surgeon;  A.  C.  Taylor,  Adjutant;  J.  T. 
Marvin,  Quartermaster;  I.  E.  Springer,  Chaplain.  Captains — Ralph  Van 
Brunt,  Julian  W.  Hinckley,  N.  Daniels,  E.  Giddings,  A.  D.  Haskins,  C. 
R.  Barager,  J.  Woodford,  John  M.  Schweers,  John  E.  Kleven.  First 
Lieutenants — Stephen  Lieurance,  Oliver  A.  Hegg,  J.|.D.  Goodrich,  John 
Agnew,  John  B.  Du  Bois,  Abner  Hubbell.  J.  D.  Babcock,  W.  W. 
Freeman,  George  H.  Cutter.  Second  Lieutenants  —  E.  V.  Moran,  Lewis 
Colby,  Edwin  F.  Proctor,  Elon  G.  Biers,  David  Clark,  A.  S.  Hill. 

[180! 


MUSTERED  OUT 

voluntary  withdrawal  of  the  French  soldiers,  and 
orders  were  issued  to  muster  out  our  Regiment. 
A  considerable  number  of  our  old  veterans  did 

33 

not  want  to  go  home.  A  company  was  made  up 
of  those  who  wished  to  enter  the  services  of  the 
Juarez  government  in  Mexico — at  least  they 
wished  to  go,  if  I  would  go  in  command.  I  was  not 
quite  ready,  however,  to  become  a  soldier  of  for 
tune.  When  our  duty  to  the  Federal  Government 
had  been  accomplished,  I  was  as  anxious  as  any 
to  be  mustered  out  of  the  army  of  war,  and  return 
to  the  army  of  peace. 


[181] 


INDEX 


AGNEW,  Lieut.  John,  of  Third  Wisconsin,  180. 
Alexandria  (Va.),  92,  93,  95;  Army  of  Potomac  at,  45. 
Ames  Gen.  Adelbert,  commands  expedition,  79. 
ARMIES — 

Cumberland,  Third  Wisconsin  joins,  97;  reorganized,  115; 
at  New  Hope  Church,  125. 

Hood's,  plunders  Atlanta,  142. 

Jackson's,  at  Chancellorsville,  71. 

Johnston's,  at  Bentonville,  172;  surrenders,  114,  176. 

Northern  Virginia,  39,  81;  battleflags  captured,  91;  paroled, 
176. 

Potomac,  17,  39,  41,  64,  66,  117,  159;  at  Washington,  46; 
consolidated,  115;  Third  Wisconsin  leaves,  97. 

Sherman's,  176;  advance,   116;  at  Atlanta,  143;  Savannah, 
157;  in  South  Carolina,  158;  Georgia,  166. 

Tennessee,  122,  133,  146;  destroys  Columbia,  170. 

Thomas's,  opposes  Hood,  147. 

Western,  successful,  17. 

Western  Virginia,  38,  43. 

Atlanta  (Ga.),  112,  143,  163,  164;  exposed,  131;  march  to,  11«; 
besieged,  131-141;  evacuated,  140,  147;  Union  army  near, 
129,  142,  145;  destroyed,  146,  147. 
Augur,  Gen.  Christopher  C.,  at  Cedar  Mountain,  33. 
Augusta  (Ga.),  168;  Slocum  marches  toward,  147. 
Augusta  Railroad,  destroyed,  147,  148. 

BABCOCK,  Lieut.  Justin  D.,  of  Third  Wisconsin,  180. 

Baltimore   (Md.),  threatened,  93. 

Baltimore  &  Ohio  Railroad,  98,  180. 

Banks,  Gen.  Nathaniel  P.,  14,  45;  commands  corps  30,  31;  re 
treats,  23,  25,  27,  28;  protects  Winchester,  29;  at  Cedar 
Mountain,  32,  33,  38;  criticized,  37. 

[I83] 


INDEX 

Barager,  Capt.  Charles  R.,  of  Third  Wisconsin,  180;  wounded, 

132;  in  Sherman's  campaign,  157,  160. 
BATTLES — 

Acorn  Run,  172. 

Antietam,  51-63,  70,  94,  178. 

Bentonville,  172. 

Bolivar  Heights,  13. 

Cassville,  122. 

Catoctin  Mountains,  48. 

Chancellorsville,  69-77,  177,  178. 

Chantilly,  44. 

Chickamauga,  100,  116. 

Dallas,  122-126. 

Fort  Donelson,  14. 

Fort  Henry,  14. 

Fredericksburg,  64,  76. 

Gettysburg,  82-89,  94. 

Jonesboro,  141. 

Kettle  Run,  42. 

Lookout  Mountain,  102. 

Manassas,  42,  43. 

Missionary  Ridge,  102. 

Monteith  Swamp,  153,  154. 

Murfreesboro,  99. 

New  Hope  Church,  122-126. 

Peach  Tree  Creek,  129,  134. 

Pumpkinvine  Creek,  126. 

Resaca,  117-122. 

Roanoke  Island,  14. 

Somerset,  14. 

South  Mountain,  50,  51. 

Winchester,  18,  19. 
Bealeton  Station  (Va.),  79,  97. 
Bentonville  (N.  C.),  Sherman  at,  169. 
Ben  wood  (W.  Va.),  98. 

Bertram,  Capt.  Henry,  at  Bolivar  Heights,  12,  13. 
Biers,  Lieut.  Elon  G.,  of  Third  Wisconsin,  180. 


INDEX 

Birney,  Gen.  David  B.,  at  Chancellorsville,  71,  74. 
Bladensburg  (Md.),  army  encamped  near,  177. 
Blanchard,  Lieut.  Edward  L.,   wounded,  132. 
Bolivar  Heights   (Va.),  15.     See  also  Battles. 
Boone,  — ,  Confederate  officer,  107,  108. 
Boone,  Daniel,  grandson  captured,  107. 
Boonsborough  (Md.),  50,  51. 
Bostwick  (Ga.),  lumber  destroyed,  152. 
Bragg,  Gen.  Braxton,  reenforced,  96. 
Brandy  Station  (Va.),  79,  97. 
Bridgeport  (Ala.),  100,  116. 
Bristoe  Station  (Va.),  cars  burned  at,  43. 
Brixey,  Capt.  Calvin,  murders  citizen,  114;  killed,  115. 
Broad  Run  (Va.),  43. 
Brodhead,  Col.  Thornton  F.,  death,  38. 
Brown,  John,  at  Harpers  Ferry,  10;  hung,  16. 
Brown,  Gov.  Joseph  E.,  releases  convicts,  149. 
Buck,  Capt.  Wilson  S.,  wounded,  154. 
Buena  Vista  (Wis.),  school  at,  1. 
Buffalo  (N.  Y.),  reception  at,  8. 
Bull  Run  (Va.),  44.    See  also  Battles:  Manassas. 
Butterfield,  Gen.  Daniel,  in  skirmish,  118. 

Burnside,  Gen.  Ambrose  E.,  at  Roanoke  Island,  14;  removed* 
64. 

CAMP  RANDALL  (Wis.),  120. 

Camp  Slocum  (Washington,  D.  C.),  178,  179. 

Carlin,  Gen.  William  P.,  at  Bentonville,  172. 

Cassville  (Ga.),  occupied,  122. 

Cemetery  Ridge  (Pa.),  83;  charge  on,  87.     See  also  Battles: 

Gettysburg. 

Centerville  (Va.),  44,  81. 
Century  Magazine,  169. 
Chancellor  House  (Va.),  70,  72,  73,  76. 
Charleston  (S.  C.),  146,  153. 
Charleston  &  Augusta  Railroad,  destroyed,  168. 
Charlestown  (Va.),  13,  16. 

[185] 


INDEX 

Charlotteville  (S.  C.),  railroad  destroyed,  170. 

Chattanooga  (Tenn.),  101;  campaign  at,  97,  100,  107,  127,  146. 

Chesterfield  (S.  C.),  171. 

Chicago  (111.),  7,  174. 

Chilcote,  Judge  — ,  murdered,  114. 

Chippewa  Indians,  in  Wisconsin  regiment,  143;  at  Sander s- 

ville,  151. 

Clark,  Capt.  Andrew,  commands  militia,  3. 
Clark,  Lieut.  David  B.,  of  Third  Wisconsin,  180. 
Cleveland  (Ohio),  7. 

Colby,  Lieut.  Lewis,  of  Third  Wisconsin,  180. 
Colgrove,  Col.  Silas,  at  Chancellorsville,  75. 
Collins,  Joseph,  killed,  61. 
Columbia  (S.  C.),  170,  171. 
Columbus  (Ohio),  reception  at,  98. 
Comey,  Capt.  Henry  N.,  of  Second  Massachusetts,  179. 
Conley,  Surg.  J.  Griffin,  of  Third  Wisconsin,  125,  126,  180. 
Connecticut,  97;  Fifth  Regiment,  23. 
Cooper,  Judge  Henry,  appeals  to  Lincoln,  108. 
COKPS — 

First   (Sigel's),  30,  at  Cedar  Mountain,  36;    (Hooker's),  at 
Antietam,  52;  Gettysburg,  83,  86. 

Second,  at  Gettysburg,  87. 

Third  (McDowell's),  30;  at  Cedar  Mountain,  36;  (Heintzel- 
man's),  42;  (Sickles's),  at  Gettysburg,  84,  85. 

Fourth,  defeated,  117. 

Fifth  (Banks's),  30;   (Porter's),  42;  at  Chancellorsville,  66, 
71. 

Sixth  (Franklin's),  51,  62;  (Sedgwick's),  at  Fredericksburg, 
76. 

Ninth  (Burnside's),  at  Catoctin  Mountains,  48. 

Eleventh,  97,  100, 115;  at  Chancellorsville,  66,  69,  71;  Gettys 
burg,  83. 

Twelfth,  78,   81,   91,   115;   at   Chancellorsville,   66,  69,   89; 
Gettysburg,  89. 

Fourteenth,  at  Bentonville,  172. 

Fifteenth,  destroys  Columbia,  170. 
[186] 


INDEX 

Seventeenth,  destroys  Columbia,  170. 

Twentieth,  115,  128,  133,  134,  135,  139,  147;  in  Atlanta  cam 
paign,  131,  138,  141,  144;  Savannah  campaign,  170;  at  New 
Hope  Church,  125;  Peach  Tree  Creek,  129,  134,  135. 

Twenty-Third,  119. 

For  Confederate  Corps,  see  names  of  commanders. 
Crane,  Lieut.  Col.  Louis  H.,  at  Cedar  Mountain,  32;   killed, 

34,  35. 

Crawford,  Gen.  Samuel  W.,  at  Cedar  Mountain,  32-34. 
CREEKS — 

Antietam,  51,  63. 

Buffalo,  150. 

Cedar  Run,  20,  32,  35. 

Chattanooga,  153. 

Peach  Tree,  129. 

Rock,  83,  85,  87. 
Crowninshield,   Capt.  Francis  W.,  of  Second  Massachusetts, 

179. 

Culpeper  (Va.),  37,  38. 
Culpeper  Court  House  (Va.),  32,  46. 
Cumberland  (Md.),  82. 
Cutter,  Lieut.  George  H.,  of  Third  Wisconsin,  180. 

DALLAS,  (Ga.),  122.     See  also  Battles. 

Daniels,  Capt.  Nahum,  of  Third  Wisconsin,  180. 

Daraestown  (Md.),  11,  47. 

Davis,  Col.  — ,  killed,  79. 

Davis,  Jefferson,  166;  surrenders,  174. 

Dayton  (Ohio),  98. 

Donnelly,  Col.  Dudley,  commands  brigade,  24,  26. 

Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  presidential  candidate,  151. 

Du  Bois,  Lieut.  John  B.,  of  Third  Wisconsin,  180. 

EDWARDS  FERRY  (Md.),  crossed,  47. 
Englishmen,  in  Wisconsin  regiment,  143. 
Erie  (Pa.),  7. 

[187] 


INDEX 

FAIRFAX  STATION  (Va.),  winter  camp  at,  64. 

Falling  Waters   (Md.),  90. 

Fayetteville  (Tenn.),  108,  111,  112,  114,  115,  120;  county  seatr 

105. 

Fayetteville  (N.  C.),  171,  172. 
Fond  du  Lac  (Wis.),  5,  6. 
FORDS — 

Beverly,  40;  crossed,  79,  80. 

Germanna,  skirmish  at,  66-69. 

Kelly's,  crossed,  66. 

Raccoon,  96. 

United  States,  69. 
FORTS — 

Donelson,  14. 

Henry,  14. 

McHenry,  11. 

Sumter,  surrenders,  3. 

Fox,  Adj.  John  A.,  of  Second  Massachusetts,  179. 
Francis,  Maj.  James,  of  Second  Massachusetts,  179. 
Franklin,  Gen.  William  B.,  at  Harpers  Ferry,  52;  Antietam,  62. 
Frederick   City   (Md.),   12,   14,  47^9;   capital,   11;   cemetery 

at,  13. 

Fredericksburg  (Va.),  skirmish  at,  70. 
Freeman,  Lieut.  William  W,,  of  Third  Wisconsin,  180. 
Fremont,  Gen.  John  C.,  29. 

French,  in  Wisconsin  regiment,  143;  in  Mexico,  180,  181. 
Fritchie,  Barbara,  displays  flag,  48,  49. 
Front  Royal  (Va.),  22,  29,  30. 
Furlong,  John,  killed,  161. 

GAPS — 

Chester,  30. 

Snake  Creek,  117. 

Snicker's,  18. 

Gardner,  Capt.  Silas  E..  investigates  murder,  115. 
Geary,  Gen.  John  W.,  148;  at  Bolivar  Heights,  12;  Chaneellors- 
ville,  73;  Gettysburg,  89;  New  Hope  Church,  122. 

[188] 


INDEX 

-Georgetown  (Md.),  45. 

Georgia,  96,  115,  149;  secession,  151;  regiment  from,  121;  cam 
paign  in,  173;  restored,  152. 
Georgia  Central  Railroad,  destroyed,  151. 
Germans,  in  Wisconsin  regiment,  143. 
Giddings,  Capt.  Ephraim,  of  Third  Wisconsin,  180. 
Goldsboro  (N.  C.),  171;  occupied,  173. 
Goodrich,  Lieut.  John  D.,  of  Third  Wisconsin,  180. 
Gordon,  Col.  George  H.,  commands  brigade,  18,  24. 
Graham  Station  (S.  C.),  168,  169. 
Grant,  Gen.  Ulysses  S.,  14,  176. 
Greene,  Gen.  George  S.,  at  Gettysburg,  86. 

HAGERSTOWN  (Md.),  8. 

Hamilton,   Gen.  Charles  S.,  commands  brigade,  18. 
Hanging  Rock  (S.  C.),  171. 

Harpers  Ferry  (Va.),  9,  10,  62,  63,  91;  expedition  to,  12;  sur 
renders,  52. 

Harrisonburg  (Va.),  21. 
Haskins,   Capt.   Alexander   D.,   of  Third   Wisconsin,   180;   at 

Robertsville,  167. 

Hawes,  Q.  M.  Edwin  A.,  of  Second  Massachusetts,  179. 
Hawley,  Gen.  William,  115;  wounded,  34;  commands  brigade, 

168,  180;  at  New  Hope  Church,  124,  125;  Atlanta,  131; 

Savannah,  160,  161;  in  Carolina  campaign,  169;  farewell 

order,  177. 

Hazel  Grove  (Va.),  skirmish  at,  70,  74. 
Hegg,  Lieut.  Oliver  A.,  of  Third  Wisconsin,  180. 
Heintzelman,  Gen.  Samuel  P.,  commands  corps,  42. 
Hill,  Lieut.  Algie  S.,  of  Third  Wisconsin,  180. 
Hinckley,   Capt.   Julian  W.,  180;   early  life,  1;   promoted,  5, 

16,  64;  wounded,  124-127. 
Hood,  Gen.  John  B.,  152;  at  New  Hope  Church,  122;  Peach 

Tree  Creek,  129;  Atlanta,  138,  139,  142;  Jonesboro,  141; 

in  Nashville  campaign,  143,  146,  147. 

[189] 


INDEX 

Hooker,  Gen.  Joseph,  commands  army,  64;  corps,  115;  super 
seded,  82;  at  Antietam,  52,  57;  Chancellor sville,  69,  70, 
76;  Chattanooga,  100;  New  Hope  Church,  125;  resigns, 
134,  135;  characterized,  133-135,  140. 

Howard,  Gen.  Oliver  O.,  117;  commands  army  wing,  147; 
Army  of  Tennessee,  133,  134. 

Hubbell,  Lieut.  Abner,  of  Third  Wisconsin,  180. 

Hunter,  Capt.  James  W.,  wounded,  126,  127;  death,  128. 

IJAMSVILLE  (Md.),  47. 

Indiana,  98;  Twenty-Seventh  Regiment,  24,  25;  at  Antietam, 

55,  57,  61;  Chancellors ville,  75. 
Indianapolis  (Ind.),  98. 
Irish,  in  Wisconsin  regiment,  143. 
ISLANDS — 

Argyle,  157;  described,  156. 

Hutchinson,  164,  166. 

Johnson's,  military  prison  on,  108. 

JACKSON",  Gen.  Thomas  J.  (Stonewall),  17,  20-22;  at  Kerns- 
town,  19;  Chancellorsville,  71,  74;  killed,  73. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  cited,  11. 

Jefferson  Rock  (Va.),  visited,  10. 

Johnson,  Andrew,  175. 

Johnson,  Hon.  Herschel  V.,  sketch,  151,  152. 

Johnston,  Gen.  Joseph  E.,  superseded,  129;  at  Bentonville,  172; 
surrenders,  114,  173,  174,  176. 

Jonesboro  (Ga.),  141,  143. 

Juarez,  Benito  P.,  service  with,  181. 

KEEDYSVILLE  (Md.),  50. 

Kelly's  Ferry  (Tenn.),  101. 

Kelly's  Ferry  (Va.),  92,  96. 

Kernstown  (Va.),  skirmish  at,  19. 

Ketcham,  Col.  John  H.,  assesses  damages,  106. 

Kettle  Run  (Va.),  43;  skirmish  at,  42. 

Kilpatrick,  Gen.  Hugh  J.,  at  Falling  Waters,  90;  skirmish,  172. 

[  190  ]  ; 


INDEX 

Kingston  (Ga.),  127. 

Kleven,  Capt.  John  E.,  180;  at  Monteith  Swamp,  154. 

Kopff,  Asst.  Surg.  Thomas,  of  Third  Wisconsin,  180. 

LEE,  Gen.  Robert  E.,  96,  97;  at  Rappahannock  River,  39;  Rich 
mond,  171;  surrenders,  173,  176. 

Leesburg  (Va.),  executions  at,  81. 

Lewis,  Gov.  James  T.,  120. 

Libby  prison,  29. 

Lieurance,  Lieut.  Stephen,  of  Third  Wisconsin,  180. 

Limbocker,  Capt.  George  W.,  25,  26. 

Lincoln,  President  Abraham,  166;  call  for  troops,  3;  at  Mary 
land  Heights,  63;  pardons,  109;  appoints  Howard,  134; 
votes  for,  146;  assassinated,  175. 

Lincoln  County  (Tenn.),  105;  guerrillas  in,  106,  114;  reorgan 
ized,  109-111. 

Little  Round  Top  (Pa.),  84.     See  also  Battles:  Gettysburg. 

Little  Washington  (Va.),  31. 

Losses:  at  Bolivar  Heights,  13;  Winchester,  19,  20;  in  retreat 
to  Martinsburg,  29;  Cedar  Mountain,  34-36;  Antietam,  60- 
63;  Gettysburg,  89;  New  Hope  Church,  126;  Peach  Tree 
Creek,  129,  134,  135. 

Louisville  (Ky.),  98,  145,  180. 

Lynchburg  (Tenn.),  birthplace  of  David  Crockett,  105. 

MCALPINE,  Lieut.  William  T.,  of  Second  Massachusetts,  179. 

McClellan,  Gen.  George  B.,  15,  47;  arrests  legislature,  11;  re 
treats,  39;  reappointed,  46;  removed,  64;  votes  for,  146. 

McDowell,  Gen.  Irvin,  commands  corps,  30;  at  Cedar  Moun 
tain,  36;  criticized,  38;  removed,  46. 

Mclntyre,  Capt.  James  B.,  mustering  officer,  6. 

Macon  (Ga.),  march  toward,  147. 

Macon  Railroad,  captured,  141. 

McPherson,  Gen.  James  B.,  killed,  133. 

Madison  (Ga.),  148. 

Madison  (Wis.),  4,  104,  120;  veterans  at,  105. 

Maine,  Tenth  Regiment,  at  Cedar  Mountain,  35. 

[191] 


INDEX 

Manassas  Junction  (Va.),  18,  41,  81.     See  also  Battles. 

Mansfield,  Gen.  Joseph  K.,  commands  corps,  47. 

Marietta    (Ga.),  122. 

Marvin,  Q.  M.  Joseph  T.,  of  Third  Wisconsin,  180. 

Martinsburg  (W.  Va.),  retreat  to,  27;  confederates  at,  81. 

Maryland,  legislature  arrested,  11;  Lee  enters,  47;  plundered, 

51. 

Maryland  Heights  (Md.),  10;  Lincoln  at,  63. 
Massachusetts,  Second  Regiment,  18,  25,  77,  78;  letter  of,  177- 

179;  letter  to,  179;  at  Antietam,  55,  61;  Germanna  Ford, 

69;  Raccon  Ford,  96;  Atlanta,  136;  in  South  Carolina,  162. 

168;  Twelfth  Regiment,  at  Bolivar  Heights,  12. 
Meade,  Gen.  George  G.,  commands  Army  of  Potomac,  82. 
Mehan,  Capt.  Dennis,  of  Second  Massachusetts,  179. 
"Merrimac,"  Third  Wisconsin  embarks  on,  93. 
Mexico,  180,  181. 
Michigan,  First  Cavalry,  27. 
Middleton  (Md.),  50. 

Miles,  Col.  Dixon  S.,  surrenders  Harpers  Ferry,  52. 
Milledgeville  (Ga.),  150;  capital  city,  148;  arsenal  destroyed 

at,  149. 

Millen  (Ga.),  railroad  destroyed,  153. 
Millen  &  Augusta  Railroad,  destroyed,  153. 
Miller,  — ,  captured,  108. 
Miller,  Mrs.  — ,  secures  aid,  108. 
"Mississippi,"  Third  Wisconsin  embarks  on,  95. 
Monroe  (Wis.),  120. 

Monteith  Station  (Ga.),  mail  captured,  at,  154. 
Montgomery  (Ala.),  confederate  capital,  1. 
Moran,  Lieut.  Edward  V.,  of  Third  Wisconsin,  180. 
Morehead  City  (N.  C.),  175. 
Morse,  Lieut.  Col.  Charles  F.,  of  Second  Massachusetts,  179; 

at  Atlanta,  136. 
MOUNTAINS — 
Blue  Ridge,  18,  30,  92. 
Catoctin,  49;  skirmish  at,  48;  crossed,  50. 
Cedar,  32. 

[192] 


INDEX 

Lookout,  101. 

South,  crossed,  50. 
Mulberry  (Term.),  105. 

Munn,  Surg.  Curtis  E.,  of  Second  Massachusetts,  179. 
Murfreesboro  (Term.),  99. 

NASHVILLE  (Term.),  98,  99;  military  governor  at,  109. 

Nashville  &  Chattanooga  Railroad,  described,  99. 

New  Jersey,  Thirteenth  Regiment,  96;  transferred,  47;  at 
Chancellors ville,  73;  Atlanta,  133,  135. 

New  Market  (Va.)»  manoeuver  at,  21. 

New  York  (City),  65,  92,  95,  175;  draft  riot,  93. 

New  York  (State),  draft  riot,  94;  regiment,  deserters  executed, 
81;  First  Artillery,  at  Gettysburg,  87;  Savannah,  157; 
Ninth  Regiment,  transferred,  18;  Twenty-Eighth  Regi 
ment,  23;  One  Hundred  Seventh  Regiment,  transferred, 
47;  at  Milledgeville,  148;  One  Hundred  Forty-Fifth  Regi 
ment,  103;  One  Hundred  Fiftieth  Regiment,  106,  130. 

Nickajack  Pass  (Ga.),  crossed,  116. 

North  Carolina,  described,  176. 

Norwegians,  in  Wisconsin  regiment,  143. 

OAKEY,  Capt.  Daniel  A.,  of  Second  Massachusetts,  179. 

O'Brien,  Capt  Moses,  killed,  35,  36. 

Ohio,  trip  through,  98. 

Orton,  Capt.  Thomas  E.,  wounded,  132. 

"PAINT  ROCK",  captured  steamer,  100. 

Parker,  Capt.  Theodore  K.,  of  Second  Massachusetts,  179. 

Parkersburg  (W.  Va.),  180. 

Parks,  Maj.  Warham,  of  Third  Wisconsin,  180. 

Pennsylvania,  invaded,  81,  91,  93;  Twenty-Eighth  Regiment,  at 

Bolivar  Heights,   12;    Twenty-Ninth   Regiment,   retreats, 

24;  officers  discharged,  128. 

Perkins,  Capt.  William  E.,  of  Second  Massachusetts,  179. 
Persons,  Surg.  Horace  T.,  of  First  Wisconsin  Cavalry,  127. 
Phalen,  Capt.  Edward  A.,  of  Second  Massachusetts,  179, 

[193] 


INDEX 

Plckett,  Gen.  George  E.,  charge  at  Gettysburg,  88,  89. 
Pope,  Gen.  John,  commands  army,  30;  criticized,  31,  37,  38; 

retreats,  38;  at  Manassas,  43;  removed,  46. 
Portage  County  (Wi8.),  1. 
Porter,  Gen.  Fitz  John,  commands  corps,  42. 
Price,  Col.  Edward  L.,  court  martialed,  103. 
PBISONS — 

Fort  McHenry,  11. 

Johnson's  Island,  109. 

Libby,  29. 
Proctor,  Lieut.  Edwin  F.,  of  Third  Wisconsin,  180. 

RALEIGH  (N.  C.),  campaign,  114, 173. 

Rappahannock  Station  (Va.),  92. 

"Red  Star"  Division,  guards  railroad  track,  99. 

Resaca  (Ga.),  enemy  abandon,  122. 

"Resolute",  armed  tender,  captured,  157,  158. 

Richardson,  Lieut.  Moses  P.,  of  Second  Massachusetts,  179. 

Richardson,  Lieut.  Jesse,  of  Second  Massachusetts,  179. 

Richmond  (Va.),  campaign  against,  117;  Lee  at,  171;  Union 

army,  176. 
RIVEBS — 

Cape  Fear,  171. 

Chattahoochee,  128,  137-139;  crossed,  129. 

Elk,  106. 

Etowah,  crossed,  122. 

Monocacy,  enemy  at,  48. 

Oconee,  148. 

Ohio,  180;  crossed,  98. 

Potomac,  93,  174;  crossed,  28,  45,  81. 

Rapidan,  37,  66,  96. 

Rappahannock,  92;  crossed,  38,  40,  41,  66,  69,  79. 

Rio  Grande,  174. 

Saluda,  crossed,  170. 

Savannah,   167;  naval  battle  in,  155-157;   described,  156; 
cleared,  165;  crossed,  166. 

Shenandoah,  21. 

Tennessee,  100,  101;  crossed,  116. 

[194] 


INDEX 

Robertsville  (S.  C.),  skirmish  at,  107. 

Rocky  Mount  (S.  C.),  170. 

Ruger,  Gen.  Thomas  H.t  West  Point  graduate,  5;  at  Cedar 

Mountain,  32;  Chancellorsville,  75;  commands  expedition, 

92;  brigade,  115. 
Ruger,  Capt.  William,  wounded,  126,  127. 

SANDERSVILLE  (Ga.),  plundered,  150;  skirmish  at,  151. 

Sandy  Hook  (Md.),  10,  15. 

Savannah  (Ga.),  146,  150,  152,  153,  156,  158,  173;  Sherman  at, 
155,  163,  169;  skirmish,  162;  evacuated,  161,  162,  164-166. 

Schweers,  Capt.  John  M.,  of  Third  Wisconsin,  180. 

Scotch,  in  Wisconsin  regiment,  143. 

Scott,  Lieut.  Col.  John  W.,  wounded,  34;  killed,  70. 

Secession,  conventions,  1;  in  Georgia,  151;  Lincoln  County,  106; 
Maryland,  11;  South  Carolina,  2,  146. 

Sedgwick,  Gen.  John,  at  Antietam,  58,  59;  Fredericksburg,  76. 

Seminary  Ridge   (Pa.),  89.     See  also  Battles:  Gettysburg. 

Shelbyville  (Tenn.),  99,  108. 

Shenandoah  Valley,  campaign  in,  178. 

Sherman,  Gen.  William  T.,  169;  Georgia  campaign,  143,  147, 
149,  163;  Carolina  campaign,  176;  at  New  Hope  Church, 
125;  Atlanta,  116,  139,  143,  144;  Jonesboro,  141;  Milledge- 
ville,  150;  Savannah,  155,  165;  Sister's  Ferry,  167;  an 
nounces  peace,  173,  174;  grand  review,  177;  characterized, 
134,  164. 

Shields,  Gen.  James,  29;  at  Kernstown,  19,  20;  wounded,  18. 

Sigel,  Gen.  Franz,  commands  corps,  30;  at  Cedar  Mountain, 
36,  37. 

Sister's  Ferry  (S.  C.),  Sherman  at,  167. 

Slocum,  Gen.  Henry  W.,  at  Germanna  Ford,  68;  Vicksburg, 
115;  Graham  Station,  168;  commands  corps,  139;  army 
wing,  147;  on  "Sherman's  March",  169;  characterized,  140. 

Smith,  Maj.  Alfred  B.,  commands  brigade  picket  line,  130. 

Smith  Plantation,  in  South  Carolina,  158-161. 

South  Carolina,  secedes,  2;  begins  war,  146;  campaign  in,  158, 
164,  166,  167,  170. 

[1951 


INDEX 

Springer,  Rev.  Isaac  E.,  of  Third  Wisconsin,  180. 

Springer,  Rev.  John  M.,  killed,  120. 

Springfield  (Ga.),  153. 

Spott  Tavern  (Va.),  79. 

Stafford  Court  House  (Va.),  77,  92;  winter  camp,  64,  66. 

Stanton,  Edwin  M.,  175. 

Stevenson,  Lieut.  Col.  George  W.,  of  Third  Wisconsin,  180. 

Stevenson  (Ala.),  99. 

Strasburg  (Va.),  17,  20,  21. 

Strawberry  Plains  (Tenn.),  153. 

Stuart,  Gen.  James  E.  B.,  headquarters  captured,  80. 

Sumner,  Gen.  Edwin  V.,  at  Antietam,  57-59. 

TATTNALL,  Commodore  Josiah,  commands  fleet,  157. 

Taylor,  Adj.  Asher  C.,  of  Third  Wisconsin,  180. 

Tennalleytown  (D.  C.),  Army  of  Potomac  at,  46. 

Tennessee,  115;  Union  Cavalry  Regiment,  113,  114. 

Tennille  Station  (Ga.),  railroad  buildings  destroyed,  151. 

Thayer,  Capt.  George  A.,  of  Second  Massachusetts,  179. 

Thomas,  Gen.  George  H.,  at  Somerset,  14;  New  Hope  Church, 
125;  disapproves  resignations,  128;  opposes  Hood,  147. 

Thompson,  Lieut.  George  J.,  of  Second  Massachusetts,  168, 
179. 

Thompson,  Lieut  Jed  C.,  of  Second  Massachusetts,  179. 

Toledo   (Ohio),  7. 

Toombs,  Lieut.  William  D.,  of  Second  Massachusetts,  179. 

Tullahoma  (Tenn.),  102,  103,  105,  114,  115;  corps  headquar 
ters,  108,  113. 

Two  Taverns  (Pa.),  82. 

VAN  BRUNT,  Capt.  Ralph,  of  Third  Wisconsin,  180. 
Vermont,  First  Regiment,  rear  guard,  27. 
Vicksburg  (Miss.),  115. 
Virginia,  departure  for,  7. 


INDEX 

WARRENTON  JUNCTION  (Va.),  41,  42. 

War  trace  (Term.),  99,  100. 

Washington  (D.  C.),  41,  47,  65,  98, 108, 128;  Army  of  Potomac 
in,  46;  threatened,  93;  peace  ratified  at,  174;  march  to, 
176;  grand  review,  177. 

Waupun  (Wis.),  campaign  of  1860  at,  1;  Light  Guard,  organ 
ized,  3-5. 

Welsh,  in  Wisconsin  regiment,  143. 

West  Point  (N.  Y.),  Military  Academy,  graduates,  5. 

Wheeler,  Gen.  Joseph,  99, 159;  at  Sanders ville,  151;  at  Roberts- 
ville,  167. 

Whittier,  John  G.,  poem,  49. 

Williams,  Gen.  Alpheus  S.,  115,  117;  at  Cedar  Mountain,  32; 
New  Hope  Church,  125. 

Williamsport  (Md.),  28,  29;  Confederates  at,  81,  89,  90. 

Williamsport  (Pa.),  reception  at,  8. 

Wilkins,  Capt.  William  D.,  20;  at  Cedar  Mountain,  32,  33,  37. 

Wilmington  (N.  C.),  fleet  at,  171. 

Winchester  (Va.),  20,  29;  skirmish  at,  16;  captured,  17;  re 
treat  to,  22;  threatened,  30;  Confederates  at,  81. 

Winegar,  Capt.  Charles  E.,  captures  steamer,  157. 

Winnsboro  (S.  C.),  railroad  track  destroyed,  170. 

Wisconsin,  128;  quota  filled,  4;  Tenth  Regiment,  at  Chatta 
nooga,  100. 

Woodford,  Capt.  Jasper,  of  Third  Wisconsin,  169,  180. 

XENIA  (Ohio),  reception  at,  98. 


197 


PUBLICATIONS  OF  WISCONSIN   HISTORY  COMMISSION 

Series  of  Original  Narratives 

1.  A  VIEW  OF  THE  VICKSBUEG  CAMPAIGN.    By  William  Freeman  Vilas, 
LL.  D.,  Lieutenant-Colonel  of  Twenty-Third  Wisconsin  Volunteer  In 
fantry.    With  two  appendices:     I,  Wisconsin  Soldiers  in  the  Vicksburg 
Campaign,  by  Colonel  Vilas;  II,  Selected  Bibliography  of  the  Vicksburg 
Campaign  (material  thereon  in  the  Wisconsin  Historical  Library),  by 
Minnie  Myrtle  Oakley.     Illustrated  by  a  portrait  of  Colonel  Vilas  and 
a  map  of  the  campaign.    8vo.,  pp.  xiii-f  104.    Published  August,  1908. 

2.  CAPTURE  AND  ESCAPE:  A  NARRATIVE  OF  ARMY  AND  PRISON  LIFE.     By 
John  Azor  Kellogg,  Colonel  of  Sixth  Wisconsin  Volunteer  Infantry  and 
Brevet  Brigadier-General.     Illustrated  byta  portrait  of  the  author.     8vo., 
pp.  xvi-f  201.     Published  November,  1908. 

3.  THREE  WISCONSIN  CUSHINGS:  A  SKETCH  OF  THE  LIVES  OF  HOWARD  B., 
ALONZO  H.,  AND  WILLIAM  B.  GUSHING,  CHILDREN  OF  A  PIONEER  FAMILY  OF 
WAUKESHA    COUNTY.     By    Theron    Wilber    Haight,    First-Lieutenant, 
U.  S.  V.    Illustrated  by  a  wartime  group  of  officers,  three  portraits,  and 
three  facsimiles.    8vo.,  pp.  xiv-f-109.    Index.    Published  April,  1910. 

4.  THE  CHATTANOOGA  CAMPAIGN:     WITH  ESPECIAL  REFERENCE  TO  WIS 
CONSIN'S  PARTICIPATION  THEREIN.     By  Michael  Hendrick  Fitch,  Lieuten 
ant-Colonel  of  Twenty-first  Wisconsin  Infantry.     Illustrated  by  six  maps. 
8vo.,  pp.  xiii+255.     Index.     Published  March,  1911. 

5.  A  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  WISCONSIN'S  PARTICIPATION  IN  THE  WAR  BETWEEN 
THE  STATES:  BASED  ON  MATERIAL  IN  THE  WISCONSIN  HISTORICAL  LIBRARY. 
By  Isaac  Samuel  Bradley,  Assistant  Superintendent  of  said  Library. 
8vo.,  pp.  ix-f  42.     Index.    Published  May,  1911. 

6.  WISCONSIN  WOMEN  IN  THE  WAR  BETWEEN  THE  STATES.    By  Ethel 
Alice  Hum,  B.  A.     Illustrated  by  a  portrait  and  six  views.     8vo.,  pp. 
xix+190.     Index.     Published  May,  1911. 

7.  A  NARRATIVE  OF  SERVICE  WITH  THE  THIRD  WISCONSIN  INFANTRY.    By 
Julian  Wisner  Hinkley,  sometime  acting  Major  of  said  Regiment.     Illus 
trated  by  a  portrait  of  the  author.     8vo.,  pp.  xiii+197.     Index.    Pub 
lished  November,  1912. 

8.  THE  DIARY  OF  AN  ARTILLERY  PRIVATE.    By  Rev.  Jenkin  Lloyd-Jones. 
In  preparation. 

Series  o/  Reprints 

1.  THE  BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG.    By  Frank  Aretas  Haskell,  Colonel  of 
Thirty-sixth  Wisconsin  Infantry.     Illustrated  by  a  portrait  of  the  au 
thor   and   two   maps.     8vo.    First   edition:    pp.    xxiii+185;    published 
November,  1908.     Second  edition  (with  "Tribute  to  Adjutant  Haskell" 
by  Col,  J.  A.  Watrous) :  pp.  xxviii-f  192;  Index;  published  April,  1910. 

2.  CIVIL  WAR  MESSAGES  AND  PROCLAMATIONS  OF  WISCONSIN  WAR  GOV 
ERNORS.     With  explanatory  notes  by  Asa  C.  Tilton  and  Frederick  Merk, 
of  the  staff  of  the  Wisconsin  Historical  Library.    In  press. 


•A* 
V.7 

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